First Nations say Alberta data centre approach won't attract big tech players
CALGARY – The chiefs of four First Nations in Alberta say they're eager to take part in the province's nascent data centre industry, but the province is taking the wrong approach to attract large-scale tech players.
The chiefs of the Alexander First Nation, Paul First Nation, Enoch Cree Nation and Alexis Nakota Sioux Nation outlined their concerns in an open letter to Premier Danielle Smith and members of her government.
Data centres are huge facilities housing the computing firepower needed for artificial intelligence and other applications. They take an enormous amount of power to run and cool them.
The Alberta Electric System Operator said earlier this month that it has received requests from 29 proposed data centre projects representing more than 16,000 megawatts — more than 11 times the City of Edmonton's load.
It said it will allow the connection of up to 1,200 megawatts of large load projects between now and 2028 to ensure the reliability of Alberta's grid.
Wednesdays
Columnist Jen Zoratti looks at what's next in arts, life and pop culture.
The chiefs wrote that companies like Meta or Amazon don't build small, and the limit sends a signal that Alberta is not ready to meet those companies' needs or see a flagship project come to fruition.
This report by The Canadian Press was first published June 27, 2025.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
CTV News
34 minutes ago
- CTV News
140 years later: Artifacts from the North-West Resistance
The first cannon fired by the North-West Field Forces at Batoche, Saskatchewan. 1885. James Peters, Library and Archives Canada, based on e011156617_s1; C-03464. Among the armed conflicts that have involved the Canadian government, the 1885 North-West Resistance may not be the most well-known, but preserved artifacts from across the prairies serve as a reminder of the fatal conflict. The North-West Resistance was fought between the Canadian government and the Métis along with First Nations, triggered by concerns over land rights, starvation and other grievances stemming from westward expansion. 'This was a huge mistake,' said Will Goodon, Manitoba Métis Federation Minister of Housing and Identity Protection, 'when [Canada] went to war against its own citizens.' Between March and June of 1885, concerns escalated into armed resistance centred across modern-day Saskatchewan and part of Alberta—then the North-West Territories. 95th Manitoba Grenadiers at Fort Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan 95th Manitoba Grenadiers at Fort Qu'Appelle, Saskatchewan, 1885. University of Winnipeg Archives, Western Canada Pictorial Index, Gerry Dupont and Carla Davidson Collection (North-West Resistance Photographs) (uw_21-004_001_0001_005). Leading up to the conflict Before the conflict, petitions and letters were sent to Ottawa addressing these grievances in hopes of a resolution. 'These people were Canadian citizens by now, and they looked to their country to protect them. And if their country is not going to protect them, who will? And so, the outlook was more and more bleak,' said Goodon. The Métis eventually brought Louis Riel—founder of the province of Manitoba and central figure in the 1869-70 Red River Resistance—back to the Canadian prairies in 1884. Portrait of Louis David Riel, taken between 1870-1873. H. Noverre, Library and Archives Canada, Jean Riel fonds, based on e011156648. Portrait of Louis David Riel, taken between 1870-1873. H. Noverre, Library and Archives Canada, Jean Riel fonds, based on e011156648. Riel would later state at his trial that upon his return to the Northwest, he viewed the Métis as 'deprived of their public liberties,' getting further malnourished by the day and that they were 'deprived of responsible government.' On March 19, 1885, the Provisional Government of Saskatchewan was established with Riel as leader and Gabriel Dumont as adjutant general. Crossfire began one week later between the Métis and the North-West Mounted Police near Duck Lake, approximately 80 kilometres northeast of Saskatoon, Sask. Over 5,000 troops sent by the federal government Prime Minister John A. MacDonald would respond publicly that week in the House of Commons, saying that troops would be called upon and dispatched by the Canadian Pacific Railway. 95th Manitoba Grenadiers at Portage la Prairie, Man. 95th Manitoba Grenadiers at Portage la Prairie, Man., 1885. Archives of Manitoba, Guards Association in Canada fonds, PR1977-63, P5255/6. More than 5,000 troops are documented to have served on the federal government's side during the conflict from across the country. Battalions were also raised in Winnipeg, including the 92nd Winnipeg Light Infantry, the 90th Winnipeg Rifles, and the Winnipeg Field Battery of Artillery. Several battles ensued over the following months, including the Battle of Fish Creek, the Battle of Cut Knife, the Frog Lake Massacre, and the Battle of Batoche, which ultimately led to the collapse of the provisional government. One hundred and forty years later, the Royal Canadian Artillery (RCA) Museum in Shilo, Man., still holds a gun that was used at the time by Canadian government forces. The nine-pounder rifled muzzle loading (RML) gun was one of four used by 'A' Battery at the Battle of Fish Creek and the Battle of Batoche, according to Andrew Oakden, RCA Museum director. Nine-pounder rifled muzzle loading gun Nine-pounder rifled muzzle loading gun at the Royal Canadian Artillery Museum in Shilo, Man. (RCA Museum) On loan from the RCMP, the RML gun has a range of approximately three kilometres and lacks a recoil mechanism—requiring repositioning after each shot. 'They were outmatched at the end, just on the sheer modernity of the weaponry,' said Goodon, adding that a Gatling gun from the U.S. was also used on the government's side. 'Near the end, the Métis had no bullets. They were melting down cutlery, putting rocks in their muskets.' Meanwhile, in Saskatchewan, the Gabriel Dumont Institute has a rusted 12-gauge double-barreled shotgun, pistol fragments, and a knife fragment among their collection of Métis artifacts, which were recovered from the battlefields. Images courtesy of the Gabriel Dumont Institute / Dennis and Jean Fisher Collection A double-barreled shotgun (left), pistol fragments and a knife fragment retrieved from battlefields of the North-West Resistance in Sask. Images courtesy of the Gabriel Dumont Institute / Dennis and Jean Fisher Collection. ( The institute also has a nine-pound projectile which may have come from the RML gun now at the RCA Museum. The cannon projectile was retrieved from a battlefield at Batoche in 1968, prior to Parks Canada acquiring the land for the present-day historic site. Nine-pound cannon projectile Nine-pound cannon projectile retrieved from a battlefield in Batoche, Sask. Image courtesy of the Gabriel Dumont Institute / Dennis and Jean Fisher Collection. ( Over 100 people died during the conflict, according to the Canadian War Museum. 'We lost a lot of young people who were just fighting for their homes, fighting for their families,' said Goodon. One of the medical equipment kits that was used by an assistant surgeon with the 92nd Winnipeg Light Infantry is on display at the Fort Battleford National Historic Site. Medical equipment of Stephen Thomas Macadam Medical equipment of assistant surgeon Stephen Thomas Macadam with the 92nd Winnipeg Light Infantry. (Fort Battleford National Historic Site) The Métis forces were eventually defeated by government troops, with Riel being arrested and put on trial for high treason. He was found guilty by a jury and hanged in Regina, Sask., on Nov. 16, 1885. 'We all know that we have one of the best countries in the world, but it has made mistakes in the past,' said Goodon.
CBC
an hour ago
- CBC
First Nations have plan to move problem grizzly but need go-ahead from B.C.
Three coastal First Nations have worked together to come up with a plan to move a grizzly bear that's been causing problems on Texada Island — just off B.C.'s Sunshine Coast — but so far, the province has not signed off. On June 13, the B.C. government said there was no "kill order" for the bear — but also that it was "not a candidate for relocation," because it had already been moved twice, before returning to human-inhabited areas. On Texada, the community of about 1,000 people has been divided on whether the bear should be killed or removed or left alone. But Erik Blaney — a legislator with the Tla'amin Nation — thinks the solution is to trap the bear and move it about one hundred kilometres northwest to Bute Inlet, where it can live with other coastal grizzlies and be far enough away that it can't swim back. Previously, the bear was relocated to Jervis Inlet, which is approximately 75 kilometres away. Blaney said he has worked with his nation, the neighbouring shíshálh Nation, and the Homalco First Nation to craft a plan for the relocation. Texada Island lies near the intersection of Tla'amin and shíshálh territory. Stewardship guardians from the nations would work together to trap the bear, which would then be moved by boat, and possibly plane, to Orford Bay in Bute Inlet, which is in Homalco territory. "We have the plan; we have the funding to do it. What we don't have is the province's assistance and backing," said Erik Blaney. He said they have been meeting with provincial officials and have some support, but have also been told that what they're asking is outside current policy — and that to capture and move the bear without a permit could lead to charges under the Wildlife Act. But he sees this as an opportunity for Tla'amin and shíshálh —both of which have self-governing agreements — to look after their lands and waters. "This really shows unity among coastal guardian programs that are doing exactly, you know, what we should, which is protecting the natural resources and wildlife within our territories." Homalco Chief Darren Blaney, who is a cousin of Erik Blaney, thinks it's a great plan. "When Erik called me to see about this bear that could potentially get killed, I give it a chance in Bute," he told CBC News. The Homalco have a tourism company that runs grizzly tours from Vancouver Island up to Bute Inlet. "We have an area that's about maybe five kilometres where the salmon gets into and we get about 50 to 60 grizzlies that come in there when the salmon runs are going," said Darren Blaney. He said it's a place where the grizzlies fatten up for winter. "So yeah, it's a good place for them and it's good for our tourism." The Ministry of Water, Land and Resource Stewardship said late Friday afternoon in an email that it is aware of the plan and that there are ongoing conversations between First Nations and the Grizzly Bear Foundation about it.
CBC
7 hours ago
- CBC
Which 'next' is Danielle Smith's Ottawa-affairs panel steering Alberta toward?
Before taking their latest chance to weigh in on the wisdom of exiting the Canada Pension Plan, Albertans must first watch a five-minute video, most of which tries to persuade them how great an idea it is. The promise of lower premiums and higher benefits hasn't sold well in the past. We recently learned that only 10 per cent of respondents favoured the idea in the 2023 round of government consultations on an Alberta pension plan. But with her Alberta Next feedback project, Premier Danielle Smith is treating this as a new day, full of fresh possibilities to alter the province's place within Canada on finances, constitutional powers, immigration and more. This video pitch on pensions endeavours to sell the public with suggestions of a "big upfront payout," better paycheques, and a provincially led investment strategy that "steered clear of ideological decision-making." The voiceover narrator notes some potential downsides. Among them: "The CPP exit rules aren't clear in the federal legislation and Ottawa is notoriously anti-Alberta with its decisions, so the size of the lump sum Alberta is offered could be lower than it should be." (Italics mine; federal officials might dispute that matter-of-fact assertion.) After that video, respondents get asked three multiple-choice questions, none of which let Albertans say whether they actually like the provincial pension idea. Perhaps they can chime in with that answer at one of the in-person town halls that begin in mid-July. The premier launched this review into the future of federalism in front of a recreated vintage oil well at Heritage Park in Calgary. Alberta Next is, in a way, a recreation of the Fair Deal Panel that Smith's predecessor Jason Kenney launched, two Liberal federal election victories ago in 2019. As separatist sentiments intensified, the then-premier had tasked his panel to study the viability of an Alberta-only pension and police force, an overhaul of federal transfers and more. That's just what Smith has done, though with some pivotal distinctions. Kenney tasked long-retired former politician Preston Manning to lead his panel. Smith assigned herself as chair. While this stands to boost the interest in upcoming town halls, some of the Alberta Next event attendees might want to bend the premier's ear on other matters, as this month's fiery meeting on coal mining may have foretold. The current premier is also specifically soliciting referendum questions to put on a ballot next year. Those would interact in unknown ways with a citizen-initiated plebiscite on separation, one which proposes a vastly more dramatic shakeup in Alberta-Canada relations. Kenney's panel took a slower march to referendums, ultimately recommending that the federal pension and police withdrawals merely be studied. The loaded language of the videos and surveys also takes Smith's initiative to a different level, says Jared Wesley, a University of Alberta political scientist. He's uniquely positioned to assess what Smith is doing: in his current role, he routinely conducts public opinion research. Before academia, he worked in the Alberta government's intergovernmental affairs division under both Tory and NDP premiers. The government is clearly not attempting to genuinely collect public opinion here, Wesley said in an interview. "What they're trying to do is to direct public opinion." He sees too many lofty assessments and a "half-hearted" presentation of the downsides of Alberta Next's proposals. The fact the federal government is Liberal (rather than Conservative) gets repeatedly mentioned in these factual background briefings. The section on fiscal transfers, for example, suggests that the imbalance between the federal taxes Albertans pay and the service grants to the province be solved by getting Ottawa to drastically cut its tax rates and have the provinces raise money on their own. "That sounds great on the surface for Alberta, but this idea has been floating around for many years, and the challenge is that a lot of other provinces end up far worse off by having those tax point transfers," Wesley said. On immigration reform, Smith's panel survey suggests that Alberta refuse to fund public services for certain classes of immigrants the provincial government doesn't wish to accept. Without specifying what type of services would be withheld, and to which immigrants, it could serve to harm newcomers in Alberta and inflame sentiments around them while blaming them for housing affordability and unemployment woes, said immigration lawyer Maureen Silcoff. "What we don't want is for governments to be putting forward rhetoric that further creates divisions in society," said Silcoff, a law professor at Toronto Metropolitan University. Alberta Next's video on immigration points out that denying public services to immigrants could land the province in court. What it doesn't mention is that twice before courts have told governments they cannot deny those services — in 2014 when the federal government cut a refugee health program, and last year when Quebec denied child-care subsidies to asylum seekers. The scale of all the changes Smith's surveys propose is seemingly massive. Creating a new police force, pension fund or tax-collecting body are pricey endeavours — after up to $1.5 billion in startup costs, an Alberta Revenue Agency would cost up to $750 million more per year and require as many as 5,000 new provincial workers, the video on taxation states. Other proposals, like constitutional reforms or transfer overhauls, would demand buy-in from not only Ottawa but also other provinces, without any clear trade-offs or upsides for them, Wesley said. "If the premier holds a series of referendums that end up saying Albertans want this and she's not able to deliver it, it only emboldens her political opponents on both sides — the federalists and the separatists," he said. Smith has pitched the project as a way to help reduce separatist sentiment, but might pushing these issues and accomplishing nothing make it even worse? In 2021, Kenney triggered a provincewide referendum proposing that the equalization program be removed from Canada's Constitution. Albertans endorsed the idea, but Ottawa did nothing with the outcome, and the equalization formula has not been altered since. Wesley's Common Ground opinion project surveyed Albertans and found a minority of them actually understood what the province was asking them on that equalization vote. "A lot of people thought that a yes there meant that Alberta would withdraw from equalization, which is just not possible," he said. If the province is serious about asking Albertans what they should do next or demand next, Wesley added, it should be grounded in a reality about what they can or could reasonably expect. The discussion materials the government provided to Albertans may not accomplish that. So how realistic will the conclusions Albertans inject back into this project be?
