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As it attacks Iran's nuclear programme, Israel maintains ambiguity about its own

As it attacks Iran's nuclear programme, Israel maintains ambiguity about its own

Time of India23-06-2025
Israel maintains a policy of nuclear ambiguity while accusing Iran of seeking atomic weapons, a claim Iran denies. Israel's nuclear program, developed in secret since the 1950s, is estimated to possess dozens of warheads. This situation raises concerns about nuclear proliferation in the volatile Middle East, especially as the US military recently struck three nuclear sites in Iran.
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Israel says it is determined to destroy Iran's nuclear programme because its archenemy's furtive efforts to build an atomic weapon are a threat to its existence.What's not-so-secret is that for decades Israel has been believed to be the Middle East's only nation with nuclear weapons, even though its leaders have refused to confirm or deny their existence.Israel's ambiguity has enabled it to bolster its deterrence against Iran and other enemies, experts say, without triggering a regional nuclear arms race or inviting preemptive attacks.Israel is one of just five countries that aren't party to a global nuclear nonproliferation treaty . That relieves it of international pressure to disarm, or even to allow inspectors to scrutinise its facilities.Critics in Iran and elsewhere have accused Western countries of hypocrisy for keeping strict tabs on Iran's nuclear programme - which its leaders insist is only for peaceful purposes - while effectively giving Israel's suspected arsenal a free pass.On Sunday, the US military struck three nuclear sites in Iran, inserting itself into Israel's effort to destroy Iran's programme.Here's a closer look at Israel's nuclear programme:Israel opened its Negev Nuclear Research Centre in the remote desert city of Dimona in 1958, under the country's first leader, Prime Minister David Ben Gurion. He believed the tiny fledgling country surrounded by hostile neighbours needed nuclear deterrence as an extra measure of security. Some historians say they were meant to be used only in case of emergency, as a last resort.After it opened, Israel kept the work at Dimona hidden for a decade, telling United States' officials it was a textile factory, according to a 2022 article in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, an academic journal.Relying on plutonium produced at Dimona, Israel has had the ability to fire nuclear warheads since the early 1970s, according to that article, co-authored by Hans M. Kristensen, director of the Nuclear Information Project with the Federation of American Scientists, and Matt Korda, a researcher at the same organisation.Israel's policy of ambiguity suffered a major setback in 1986, when Dimona's activities were exposed by a former technician at the site, Mordechai Vanunu. He provided photographs and descriptions of the reactor to The Sunday Times of London.Vanunu served 18 years in prison for treason, and is not allowed to meet with foreigners or leave the country.Experts estimate Israel has between 80 and 200 nuclear warheads, although they say the the lower end of that range is more likely.Israel also has stockpiled as much as 1,110 kilograms (2,425 pounds) of plutonium, potentially enough to make 277 nuclear weapons, according to the Nuclear Threat Initiative, a global security organization. It has six submarines believed to be capable of launching nuclear cruise missiles, and ballistic missiles believed to be capable of launching a nuclear warhead up to 6,500 kilometers (4,000 miles), the organization says.Germany has supplied all of the submarines to Israel, which are docked in the northern city of Haifa, according to the article by Kristensen and Korda.In the Middle East, where conflicts abound, governments are often unstable, and regional alliances are often shifting, nuclear proliferation is particularly dangerous, said Or Rabinowitz, a scholar at Jerusalem's Hebrew University and a visiting associate professor at Stanford University."When nuclear armed states are at war, the world always takes notice because we don't like it when nuclear arsenals ... are available for decision makers," she said.Rabinowitz says Israel's military leaders could consider deploying a nuclear weapon if they found themselves facing an extreme threat, such as a weapon of mass destruction being used against them.Three countries other than Israel have refused to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons: India, Pakistan and South Sudan. North Korea has withdrawn. Iran has signed the treaty, but it was censured last week, shortly before Israel launched its operation, by the UN's nuclear watchdog - a day before Israel attacked - for violating its obligations.Israel's policy of ambiguity has helped it evade greater scrutiny, said Susie Snyder at the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, a group that works to promote adherence to the UN treaty.Its policy has also shined a light on the failure of Western countries to rein in nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, she said.They "prefer not to be reminded of their own complicity," she said.
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US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin met in Anchorage, Alaska, for their first face-to-face talks since Moscow invaded Ukraine in 2022. While both leaders claimed 'progress', no ceasefire or deal was announced. The summit gave Putin symbolic wins and Trump political leverage, but left Volodymyr Zelenskyy sidelined US President Donald Trump goes to shake hands with Russian President Vladimir Putin, as they meet to negotiate for an end to the war in Ukraine, at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Anchorage, Alaska, US, August 15, 2025. Reuters The meeting between United States President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Anchorage, Alaska, on Friday marked the first in-person engagement between American and Russian leaders since the Kremlin launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in early 2022. Expectations were high that the summit might at least produce a framework for a ceasefire or set the stage for substantive negotiations. 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Putin's last visit to the US had taken place a decade earlier. Since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, he had been effectively excluded from most Western capitals, with the International Criminal Court even issuing an arrest warrant against him. Anchorage was chosen partly because the United States is not an ICC member, eliminating the risk of complications linked to that warrant. Yet even as the two men exchanged smiles on the tarmac at Elmendorf Air Force Base, Ukraine remained under assault. Reports of incoming Russian drones and aircraft were issued as the summit began. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Inside the closed-door talks between Trump & Putin Originally planned as a one-on-one session with only interpreters present, the meeting's format was altered at the last moment. Instead, each side brought two senior aides into the room. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and special envoy Steve Witkoff joined Trump, while Putin was also flanked by top officials. The White House provided no detailed explanation for this change, but it likely aimed to ensure clarity on commitments and prevent ambiguity that had surrounded Trump's private meetings with Putin during his first term. The discussion reportedly lasted just under three hours — shorter than anticipated — and ended without the ceasefire Trump had demanded in the run-up to the talks. While both leaders emerged declaring that they had agreed on many issues, neither identified what those were. 'We had an extremely productive meeting, and many points were agreed to,' Trump said afterwards. 'There are just a very few that are left. Some are not that significant. One is probably the most significant, but we have a very good chance of getting there. We didn't get there, but we have a very good chance of getting there.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Putin echoed the sentiment, saying the two sides had agreed to 'pave the path towards peace in Ukraine,' but provided no further clarity. The missing Ukraine ceasefire Throughout the weeks leading up to Anchorage, Trump had pointed out that a ceasefire was non-negotiable for a deal. He suggested he would 'walk' away if Putin did not agree to halt hostilities, even threatening 'severe' consequences if the war dragged on. Yet by the end of the summit, no such outcome was announced. In fact, Trump shifted responsibility toward Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, stressing in interviews after the summit that Kyiv had to accept difficult compromises. 'Gotta make a deal,' Trump said when asked what advice he had for Zelenskyy. He indicated that discussions about potential territorial adjustments and US security guarantees had occurred and that 'those are points that we largely have agreed on.' This stance contrasted sharply with the Biden administration's approach, which had pushed unwavering military and financial support for Ukraine while insisting on Kyiv's sovereignty and territorial integrity. 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The Russian leader also scored a more personal victory: joining Trump in the armoured presidential limousine known as 'the Beast.' Their brief ride together — without aides or translators — became a symbolic image of trust and camaraderie, though its contents remain unknown. After years of being shunned in Europe and facing sanctions, restrictions, and legal threats, Putin was once again shaking hands with the leader of the world's most powerful nation. Trump's choice to host him — and to do so with military honours, a red carpet, and public warmth — weakened the Western effort to diplomatically isolate Moscow. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Even if other European leaders remain unwilling to engage, the fact that Washington opened its doors carries far greater weight internationally. This rehabilitation was evident from Putin's demeanour. Smiling broadly as he peered from Trump's limousine, his reentry onto the world stage was unmistakable. Trump's political gains Trump may not have returned from Anchorage with a ceasefire, but he did extract political value from the event. The summit provided a platform for him to denounce once again the investigation into alleged Russian interference in the 2016 US election. Standing alongside Putin, he dismissed it as a 'hoax' and portrayed both leaders as victims of unfair scrutiny. Additionally, Trump gained momentum for his foreign policy agenda by positioning himself as the only Western leader capable of bringing Putin to the negotiating table. Even the absence of a concrete deal allowed him to argue that progress had been made and that further meetings could eventually deliver results. The idea of a follow-up summit in Moscow highlighted this point. When Putin suggested 'Next time in Moscow' in English, Trump responded with interest: 'Oooh, that's an interesting one. I don't know, I'll get a little heat on that one. But I could see it possibly happening.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD If realised, such a visit would be the first by a US president to Russia since Barack Obama attended the 2013 G20 summit in St Petersburg. Ukraine and Zelenskyy? The person most directly affected by the summit — Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy — was not invited to Anchorage. Trump said he would call Zelenskyy and Nato leaders afterward to provide a readout. Zelenskyy, addressing his nation just before the summit began, voiced scepticism about Moscow's intentions. 'The war continues, and it is precisely because there is neither an order nor a signal that Moscow is preparing to end this war,' he said. 'On the day of negotiations, they are killing, as well. And that speaks volumes.' On the day of negotiations, the Russians are killing as well. And that speaks volumes. Recently, weʼve discussed with the U.S. and Europeans what can truly work. Everyone needs a just end to the war. Ukraine is ready to work as productively as possible to bring the war to an end,… — Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) August 15, 2025 In interviews after the summit, Trump suggested there could eventually be a meeting between Zelenskyy and Putin, potentially with himself present. 'They both want me there, and I'll be there,' he told Fox News. Yet the Anchorage summit made clear that under current conditions. His suggestion to host Trump in Moscow, pointedly excluded the mention of the Ukrainian leader. The summit's key takeaways can be summarised as follows: No ceasefire : Despite Trump's insistence before the meeting, fighting in Ukraine continues. Symbolic gains for Putin : His return to U.S. soil marked a diplomatic breakthrough. Political opportunities for Trump : He used the event to dismiss past investigations and strengthen his image as a dealmaker. Uncertainty for Ukraine : Zelenskyy remains under pressure to 'make a deal,' while Moscow shows no sign of halting military operations. Possibility of further talks: Putin invited Trump to Moscow, raising the stakes for future negotiations. The Alaska summit between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin may not have produced a breakthrough, but it was nonetheless significant. For now, the world is left with Trump's own words: 'There's no deal until there's a deal.' With inputs from agencies

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