logo
Former political prisoner denied German humanitarian visa amid wider freeze affecting anti-war Russians — Novaya Gazeta Europe

Former political prisoner denied German humanitarian visa amid wider freeze affecting anti-war Russians — Novaya Gazeta Europe

Alexey Moskalyov with his daughter Maria on his release from prison on 15 October 2024. Photo: SOTAvision
A prominent former Russian political prisoner and his daughter have been denied a humanitarian visa to Germany, amid a wider freeze on humanitarian visa applications currently impacting hundreds of other anti-war Russians, independent Russian radio station Ekho FM reported on Thursday, citing several individuals and organisations who have been denied entry to the country.
According to Ekho FM, the German government has not granted humanitarian visas to Alexey Moskalyov and his teenage daughter, Masha Moskalyova, for over six months, despite him formerly serving a one-year prison sentence in Russia for anti-war social media posts, a case that gained international prominence in 2023 when several major Russian human rights organisations petitioned European authorities to come to his aid.
Moskalyov was first investigated by Russian authorities in April 2022 after his daughter drew an anti-war picture during an art class at school. Subsequently, several of Moskalyov's social media posts in which he had condemned the war in Ukraine came to light. He was charged with 'discrediting the army' in December 2022 and was initially placed under house arrest, pending trial.
In March 2023, Moskalyov fled house arrest and was detained in Belarus while attempting to leave Russia. He was extradited to Russia and imprisoned there for two years, before being released in October 2024. According to Ekho FM, he and his daughter are currently outside of Russia, continuing to seek asylum in Germany.
On 23 July, the German Interior Ministry suspended its humanitarian visa admission programme, an initiative that had previously helped individuals at risk of persecution due to human rights activism in authoritarian states, such as Belarus, Russia, and Iran, to receive entry to the country.
Since the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine, the programme had helped over 2,600 anti-war Russian activists, politicians, organisations, and journalists safely relocate to Germany, according to The Ark, an initiative helping anti-war Russians in emigration.
'Germany was a leader in protecting those who resist Putin's regime. Now that such individuals are no longer having their cases accepted, it feels like people are being left alone in the face of repression,' one coordinator for the InTransit human rights initiative told EkhoFM anonymously.
According to Ekho FM, in addition to the Moskalyovs, some 300 other anti-war Russians were awaiting the issuing of humanitarian visas prior to the programme's cancellation, including many under active threat of criminal prosecution.
Human rights activists and lawyers are now preparing an appeal to the German Interior Ministry to preserve the visa programme, Ekho FM reported.
The German government has not yet commented publicly on the case of Moskalyov and his daughter, nor on the denial of humanitarian visas to anti-war Russian dissidents.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

At least 76 criminal cases opened in Russia over donations to Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation — Novaya Gazeta Europe
At least 76 criminal cases opened in Russia over donations to Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation — Novaya Gazeta Europe

Novaya Gazeta Europe

time2 days ago

  • Novaya Gazeta Europe

At least 76 criminal cases opened in Russia over donations to Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation — Novaya Gazeta Europe

Since Russia designated Alexey Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK) as an 'extremist' organisation, authorities have launched at least 76 criminal cases against individuals accused of making donations to the group, independent news outlet Mediazona has reported. Following a court ruling in the summer of 2021 that labelled the FBK 'extremist,' Navalny's team relaunched its fundraising campaign, this time accepting donations via the US-based payment platform Stripe. The idea was that Stripe would not share user data with Russian authorities, and that the transactions would not be visible to Russian banks. However, in the early days of the campaign, it emerged that bank statements were still showing references to FBK. Navalny's allies acknowledged the issue and said they had resolved it. Fundraising from within Russia continued until March 2022, when Visa and MasterCard suspended operations with Russian banks following the invasion of Ukraine. By the summer of 2022, the first criminal cases linked to donations to the so-called 'extremist' organisation had begun to appear — largely targeting individuals who had managed to send money via Stripe before the initial error was fixed. According to Mediazona, Russian security services have since learned to identify donations even when FBK is not explicitly mentioned in the transaction. In 2024 alone, Russian courts received 25 such cases, and a further 34 were filed in the first half of 2025. Journalists believe that investigators are identifying donors through the merchant ID — a unique code used by banks to route funds to the correct recipient. This merchant ID appears in bank transaction records and enables authorities to trace payments, even when no direct mention of FBK is present.

Trump announces fresh Moscow visit by US special envoy as latest ceasefire deadline approaches — Novaya Gazeta Europe
Trump announces fresh Moscow visit by US special envoy as latest ceasefire deadline approaches — Novaya Gazeta Europe

Novaya Gazeta Europe

time2 days ago

  • Novaya Gazeta Europe

Trump announces fresh Moscow visit by US special envoy as latest ceasefire deadline approaches — Novaya Gazeta Europe

US President Donald Trump looks on as US Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff speaks at the White House in Washington, DC, on 28 May 2025. Photo: EPA / CHRIS KLEPONIS / POOL US President Donald Trump has announced that US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff will travel to Moscow again later this week for more talks on ending the war in Ukraine, Agence France Presse reported on Monday. Trump was characteristically vague on details of the trip, saying only that it would take place on Wednesday or Thursday. He did separately note, however, that Russia would only be able to avoid fresh US sanctions if Vladimir Putin agreed to stop killing people. In addition, Trump said that two US nuclear submarines, which he deployed following an online spat with former Russian president Dmitry Medvedev, had reached their destinations, though he gave no further details of their deployment. Witkoff, who is officially the US president's special envoy to the Middle East, but who has now been entrusted with multiple missions to Russia on Trump's behalf, has already visited Moscow four times this year. During his last meeting, the possibility of direct peace negotiations between Moscow and Kyiv was discussed. Earlier in July, Trump threatened to impose 'very severe' tariffs of up to 100% on countries that traded with Russia should Putin not agree to a ceasefire with Ukraine within 50 days, an ultimatum he then altered to '10 or 12 days' in late July. That move led Kremlin attack dog Medvedev to accuse him of playing the 'ultimatum game' with Moscow and claiming that each deadline for action the US president issued was 'a step towards war. Not between Russia and Ukraine, but with his own country.'

Strategic realignment. Armenia and Azerbaijan are inching towards a long-sought peace deal. What does this mean for Russia? — Novaya Gazeta Europe
Strategic realignment. Armenia and Azerbaijan are inching towards a long-sought peace deal. What does this mean for Russia? — Novaya Gazeta Europe

Novaya Gazeta Europe

time5 days ago

  • Novaya Gazeta Europe

Strategic realignment. Armenia and Azerbaijan are inching towards a long-sought peace deal. What does this mean for Russia? — Novaya Gazeta Europe

At a time when Vladimir Putin needs friends in his neighbourhood, he appears instead to be losing them in the South Caucasus. After two centuries of Russian involvement in the region, balancing the historical rivalry and at times acting as mediator between Armenia and Azerbaijan, there is growing speculation that the two countries are preparing a major reset in relations. Anna Matveeva Visiting Senior Research Fellow, King's Russia Institute, King's College London When Armenia's prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, met the Azerbaijani president, Ilham Aliyev, in Abu Dhabi on 10 July, they reportedly came close to agreeing a peace treaty. The big question is whether, if these two countries can iron out mistrust and violence born of the territorial conflict, there will still be a role for Russia in the South Caucasus. To understand the complex geopolitics of the region, you need to go back to the early 19th century, when Azerbaijan and Armenia were ceded to Russia following the Russo-Persian wars. After the Russian revolution, the two countries achieved brief independence between 1918 and 1920 (though not in their present borders) before being invaded and annexed by Russia. During the Soviet era, the union republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan both felt that Moscow favoured the other. Armenia was unhappy that the Soviet leadership allocated Nagorno-Karabakh, a majority-Armenian exclave surrounded by Azerbaijani-populated lands, to Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan was dissatisfied that its borders denied it a land connection to its population in Nakhchivan, an exclave of ethnic Azerbaijanis that could only be reached via southern Armenia. In the final years of the Soviet Union, as Armenian nationalism began to assert itself during the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika era, Nagorno-Karabakh's legislature declared its intention to join Armenia. This move eventually led to armed clashes in the region. The first Karabakh war, which raged between 1988 and 1994, began before the Soviet break-up but continued after the two countries gained their independence. In 1994, after more than 30,000 casualties, Russia brokered a ceasefire. The settlement favoured Armenia, leaving it in control of Nagorno-Karabakh as well as another six Azerbaijani districts surrounding it. Things began to change when Putin took power in Russia in 2000. Russia's relations with Azerbaijan improved, partly due to his personal rapport with the then-president, Heydar Aliyev, and his son Ilham, who would succeed him in 2003. After 9/11, when combating international terrorism became a global priority, Azerbaijan put measures in place to prevent the transfer of fighters and weapons through its territory to the war in Chechnya, which further improved relations with Moscow. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan speaks to Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev at the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, 24 October 2024. Photo: EPA/ MAXIM SHEMETOV At this stage, Azerbaijan was pursuing what it described as a 'multi-vector' foreign policy, which allowed it to develop ties with a variety of countries, including the US, Russia and others to whom it sold oil. While remaining in the Commonwealth of Independent States, it did not sign up to the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO). Armenia, by contrast, was a fully participating member of the CSTO. Having signed an Eternal Friendship Treaty with Russia in 1997, this was a clear strategic choice for Armenia and one that was partly motivated by long-standing historical ties. Indeed, it was Nagorno-Karabakh which really soured relations between Armenia and Moscow. Russia was traditionally seen as a defender of Christianity in the days of the Ottoman empire. Many people had fled massacres in Western Armenia (in modern-day Turkey) in 1915 to come under the protection of the Russian tsar. But Armenia also saw Moscow as a vital security guarantor against an increasingly militarised Azerbaijan, which was determined to recover control of Nagorno-Karabakh and other areas occupied by Armenia. Indeed, it was Nagorno-Karabakh which really soured relations between Armenia and Moscow. In 2020, when — aided by Turkey — Azerbaijan launched its offensive to retake the territory, Russia failed to come to the aid of its CSTO ally. This was expected, given that relations had begun to deteriorate in 2018 when Pashinyan came to power in Armenia. In hindsight, most commentators believe Russia had become tired of Armenia's intransigence over the plan, agreed in Madrid in 2007, for it to cede back the six districts surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan. Instead, Moscow brokered a ceasefire agreement and deployed 2,000 peacekeepers along the Lachin corridor, a strip of land connecting Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. But these troops also failed to intervene when an Azerbaijani offensive retook the whole of Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, forcing the population of about 100,000 ethnic Armenians to flee. An Armenian church in the town of Shushi, Nagorno-Karabakh, overlooks a crater caused by Azerbaijani shelling, 29 October 2020. Photo: EPA / HAYK BAGHDASARYAN /PHOTOLURE Relations between Russia and Azerbaijan, meanwhile, have gone downhill rapidly. In December 2024, an Azerbaijani civilian airliner was shot down in Russian airspace. Putin apologised, but Azerbaijan insisted on Moscow disclosing the results of the investigation and paying compensation to the victims. Things got worse at the end of June, when the Russian authorities arrested a group of ethnic Azerbaijanis on suspicion of their involvement in a decades-old murder case, two of whom were killed while being detained. Azerbaijan retaliated by raiding the Baku offices of Russia's Sputnik news agency and detaining its staff as well as a group of Russian IT workers. When they appeared in court, some of the men appeared to have been beaten in custody. Azerbaijan's state media denounced Russia and Russia House, the state-funded Russian cultural agency in Baku, was closed down, with several cultural events cancelled. Security agencies began to enforce documentation checks on all Russian nationals in the country. A complete shutout of Russia in the South Caucasus is unlikely. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan depend on remittance income from their nationals in Russia. At the same time, Azerbaijan and Armenia were already talking about concluding a peace treaty independently, without intermediaries. All this has prompted speculation of a serious loss of influence in the region for Moscow. However, a complete shutout of Russia in the South Caucasus is unlikely. Both Armenia and Azerbaijan depend on remittance income from their nationals in Russia. Both countries also remain close trading partners with Russia, and while Armenia suspended its membership in CSTO, it has not quit the organisation altogether. Far more likely is that the two countries, mindful of the growing influence of Turkey in the region and the shifts created by Donald Trump in world affairs, are maneuvering while weighing their options. Geography matters, as neighbouring Georgia demonstrates — efforts to cut ties with Russia by its former president, Mikheil Saakashvili, have been partially reversed by the current government, which increasingly leans towards Moscow. In the cases of Armenia and Azerbaijan, economic ties, transport links and human connections still favour a relationship with Russia. So, a temporary breakdown in political relations can be mended if all three leaders demonstrate enough statesmanship to sail through the troubled waters. This article was first published by The Conversation. Views expressed in opinion pieces do not necessarily reflect the position of Novaya Gazeta Europe

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store