
Why did PKK pick Sulaimani for first disarmament?
Sulaimani town uses cameras, fines to curb littering
Turkish soldier death toll from methane exposure in Kurdistan Region rises to eight
Five Turkish officers killed due to methane gas exposure in Kurdistan Region
Turkey extends flight ban on Sulaimani again
A+ A-
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - An initial group of Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) fighters is set to disarm in a Sulaimani province ceremony within a week, according to well-informed sources, who said the main reason for picking Sulaimani was 'security.'
A group of PKK fighters will disarm in early July in Sulaimani's Raparin administration, launching the practical steps of implementing the group's decision to dissolve and end its armed struggle against the Turkish state.
The PKK announced its dissolution in May, in response to a February call by its jailed leader Abdullah Ocalan to end the conflict that has claimed around 40,000 lives and pursue a political path to securing Kurdish political and cultural rights.
Rudaw has learned from three well-informed sources that previous discussions were held between Ankara and the PKK regarding the location of the first disarmament ceremony, and while Turkey had preferred Erbil province to be the site, the PKK rejected the request after several internal meetings.
Turkey eventually approved the request after deliberations.
'What the PKK is doing is a gesture of goodwill for peace, and the choice of the disarmament ceremony's location was purely a consideration of the security situation,' a source said.
Kamaran Osman, a member of the Community Peacemaker Teams (CPT), a US-based human rights organization monitoring Ankara's operations in the Kurdistan Region, told Rudaw on Sunday that Sulaimani, where the PKK's headquarters is located in the Qandil Mountains, 'has not been bombarded by Turkey since the PKK's declaration of a ceasefire.'
Turkey in May did not carry out any attacks in Sulaimani and Erbil, but its attacks in Duhok continued, according to CPT statistics, but Ankara bombarded Erbil nine times in June.
The complete lack of attacks in Sulaimani is seen as key to the PKK's decision to hold its first disarmament ceremony in the province.
'Due to the peace process and the calmness of the situation, the movement of [PKK] guerrillas in various parts of Sulaimani province has returned to normal. The situation has reverted to how it was before 2018,' a well-informed source in Sulaimani told Rudaw on Sunday.
While Turkey has welcomed the PKK's decision to dissolve and end its armed struggle, it has emphasized the need for taking concrete steps towards total disarmament. Meanwhile, the PKK expects Ankara to introduce democratic reforms.
At the disarmament ceremony in Sulaimani, PKK fighters will destroy their weapons rather than hand them over to any other authority, Rudaw has learned.
A delegation from Turkey's pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) will also attend the ceremony. The DEM Party is mediating peace talks between the PKK and the Turkish state.
Founded in 1978, the PKK initially sought an independent Kurdish state but later shifted its focus toward achieving broader political and cultural rights for Kurds in Turkey. The group has been labeled a terrorist organization by Ankara and its allies.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Shafaq News
4 hours ago
- Shafaq News
Syrian government and SDF still at odds over merging forces
Shafaq News – Damascus On Wednesday, US Ambassador to Turkiye Tom Barrack, who is also a special envoy to Syria, clarified that there are still significant differences between the Syrian government and the Syrian Democratic Forces, according to the Associated Press Agency. Barrack held talks with Mazloum Abdi, head of the SDF, and Syria's interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, in the Syrian capital, Damascus. Meanwhile, the Syrian government expressed support for any initiative by the SDF that contributes to the unity and territorial integrity of the country. In a statement, the government reaffirmed its adherence to the principle of " one Syria, one army, one government," expressing firm rejection of any form of division or federalism. The government welcomed progress in implementing the recent agreement with the SDF, thanking the United States for its role in facilitating the deal and for supporting efforts 'to stabilize the country and preserve national unity.' In addition, the statement welcomed the integration of SDF fighters into its ranks, provided it occurs within the country's constitutional and legal frameworks, emphasizing the Syrian Army's role as a unifying national institution. Damascus warned that any delays in implementing the signed agreements would only complicate the situation and hinder efforts to restore security and stability across Syria. The statement also stressed the importance of restoring official state institutions in northeastern Syria, including public services, healthcare, education, and local administration. In early March, Al-Sharaa signed a landmark agreement with Abdi, aimed at restructuring the country's military and restoring state control over key areas in the northeast. Under the agreement, SDF fighters are to be integrated into the new national army, while control of all border crossings with Iraq and Turkiye, as well as airports and oil fields in the region, would be handed over to the central government. The deal is scheduled to be fully implemented by the end of the year. However, progress has been slow, and several aspects of the agreement remain unclear. One of the main points of contention is whether the SDF will be preserved as a distinct unit within the national army, as Kurdish leaders have demanded, or whether it will be fully dissolved, with its members incorporated individually into the restructured military.


Shafaq News
7 hours ago
- Shafaq News
Justice delayed: Amnesty pressures Syria on Alawite massacre
Shafaq News – Damascus On Wednesday, Amnesty International (Amnesty or AI) urged the Syrian government to release the findings of its investigation into the mass killings that targeted the Alawite community earlier this year. Kristyan Benedict, Deputy Regional Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty, stressed that survivors and the families of victims are entitled to know what happened, who was responsible, and what measures were taken to ensure accountability. He also added that 'Only independent and impartial investigations can pave the way for justice through fair and credible trials,' stressing that 'Families cannot be left in the dark while impunity prevails.' He further called on Transitional President Ahmad al-Sharaa to ensure meaningful compensation for survivors and affected families. We're calling on Syria's president to publish the full findings of the investigation into the mass killings targeting Alawite civilians. Survivors and families have the right to know who was responsible and what steps will be taken to deliver justice. — Kristyan Benedict (@KreaseChan) July 9, 2025 The violence erupted on March 6 in Syria's coastal region and continued for three days, with authorities pointing to armed groups loyal to former president Bashar al-Assad as responsible for launching the attacks. However, the UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported that forces aligned with the current government, along with allied militias, carried out mass executions and other abuses. The group estimated that approximately 1,700 civilians were killed—most of them from the Alawite minority, the sect to which the Assad family belongs. On March 9, the presidency announced the formation of a committee to investigate the events, initially pledging to release its findings within a month. That timeline was later extended by three months, setting the new deadline for July 10. Transitional President al-Sharaa also vowed accountability for those involved in the violence, reaffirming his effort to prevent the country from descending into civil war.


Rudaw Net
7 hours ago
- Rudaw Net
Kurdish intellectuals face challenges amid Turkey's Kurdish question
A+ A- The armed struggle of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) has come to an end, a development many view as an appropriate and necessary step. Now is the time for Kurdish communities in Turkey to pursue their political, cultural, economic, and academic rights through peaceful and lawful means. Despite this turning point, the Kurdish movement has left a profound imprint on both Kurdish and Turkish politics in recent decades. During this time, Kurdish intellectuals - often shaped by distinct ideological traditions - have faced significant challenges in articulating and advancing their visions, particularly within the evolving dynamics of the Middle East and broader global shifts. These struggles continue to fuel intense debates in light of recent developments in Turkey. While a sustainable peace process is both urgent and necessary, it still faces numerous and complex obstacles. Amid this period of uncertainty, discussions, particularly among Kurdish and Turkish intellectuals, are at risk of becoming increasingly polarized, with some leaning toward more radical interpretations. As with all transitions, this phase carries moments of crisis that also affect Kurdish intellectual circles, sometimes amplifying tensions. Yet precisely in such times, the pursuit of dialogue and mutual understanding becomes indispensable. Without it, key opportunities for advancing peace and freedom for the Kurdish people could be jeopardized, despite the legitimacy of critical voices. Constructive engagement remains essential for protecting the integrity of both the Kurdish cause and the broader vision of peace within Turkey. At this critical moment, the Kurdish intelligentsia in Turkey and abroad seems mostly absent. Or worse, they are fighting each other. Instead of having an open and serious debate about the future, we see harsh arguments on social media. People insult each other, and there is little respect or reflection. Meanwhile, the population waits for someone to speak clearly, to offer guidance. But many intellectuals stay silent or attack one another. Have they given up on thinking? A withdrawal that costs more than face Historically, the Kurdish intellectual has always been a figure of resistance - against colonialism, against state repression, against cultural erasure. But the role of the intellectual does not end where the external enemy begins. Today, it is more important than ever to look inward: at the self-imposed blockades of Kurdish society, at entrenched ideological dogmas, at the monopolization of public discourse by political movements. Those who dare to criticize the current power structures within the Kurdish movement - be it the PKK, the architecture of armed struggle for an independent Kurdistan, or the lack of strategic vision - quickly become targets. Threats, defamation, intimidation - these are not signs of ideological strength, but symptoms of a fear of dialogue. And fear, as history teaches us, is always an enemy of freedom, including internal freedom. This is precisely the moment when the intellectual must speak out, must be visible, must stir the debate - not as a mouthpiece of any party, but as a societal catalyst in a time that demands reinvention. The Kurdish question: between myth, power, possibility The end of the PKK as an organizational structure unsettles long-held assumptions: Is armed struggle still a legitimate path? What replaces a hierarchical resistance movement? Can Kurdish identity be imagined beyond the idealization of a single organization, based instead on pluralism, democracy, and cultural diversity? Can and should Kurds place their trust in Turkish politics, given more than a century of experience? Now more than ever, Kurdish intellectuals must be willing to ask these questions, freely, without ideological blinders, without fear of punishment. Yet it appears that many have either retreated into intellectual echo chambers or become entangled in bitter positional warfare. In this vacuum, populism, cynicism, and political resignation begin to take root. The Kurdish question in Turkey is no longer just a geopolitical or security issue. It has become a cultural and societal challenge. It concerns identity in a fragmented world and a vision of self-determination beyond outdated narratives. What is needed now are new concepts. New terms. New voices. In short: new thinking. The intellectual as cultural worker and not ideologue Jean-Paul Sartre once noted that the intellectual must endure and transform the contradiction between humanism and reality. Michel Foucault's notion of the "specific intellectual" - one who deconstructs power relations and offers alternatives - is no less relevant today. Applied to the Kurdish reality in Turkey, this means: the intellectual must stop seeing themselves as a translator of a decaying world and instead become the architect of a new order - one that embraces diversity, acknowledges internal conflict, and still dares to formulate a shared vision. Kurdish society is heterogeneous, complex, and full of contradictions, and that is precisely its strength. But only if these contradictions are not denied or demonized, but embraced as a creative resource. The intellectual must not act as judge, but as moderator. Not as patriarch, but as mediator. Not as a megaphone, but as a dialogical counterpart. A new beginning through thinking, not dogma Now more than ever, we need an intellectual movement that is neither beholden to party lines nor addicted to power. One that does not fossilize in retrospection but dares to think ahead. One that understands: the fragmentation of the intellectual class weakens public trust, undermines solidarity, and prevents much-needed innovation. Instead, Kurdish intellectuals should work to develop new models of social organization, federal structures, cultural autonomy, progressive education, and social justice. Models that reconcile individual rights with collective responsibility. Models that demonstrate: the Kurdish question is not a matter of the past, but a challenge of the future. Thinking as resistance The title of this commentary is deliberately provocative. But it is not meant as an accusation - it is an invitation. An invitation to rethink the role of the intellectual: as a cultural worker in the service of freedom. As a bridge-builder between theory and practice. As a mediator between old hopes and new realities. The Kurdish intelligentsia in Turkey stands at a crossroads. It can continue to exhaust itself in internal rivalries, or finally open up the space for a new, courageous mode of thinking. Because only then can a new Kurdistan be imagined - not driven by dogma or doctrine, but grounded in dignity, diversity, and the unshakable desire for freedom.