Pakistani forces kill militants linked to 2024 attack on Chinese in Karachi
The attack was carried out by a Pakistani guard at a textile factory who shot and wounded two Chinese workers.
Officials said Monday the three militants were killed in their hideout in a raid which started late Sunday night. All three were members of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, or TTP.
Chinese nationals in Pakistan have increasingly come under attack by militant groups. They claim China's projects under its Belt and Road initiative unfairly exploit local resources.
In October, two Chinese nationals were killed in a bomb attack near Karachi's international airport by militants seeking independence for Balochistan province.
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The Diplomat
2 hours ago
- The Diplomat
Mahathir Mohamad, the Father of Modern Malaysia, at 100
Mahathir reshaped Malaysia's politics and modernized its economy. He is also the source of many of the contradictions that continue to define the country today. Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, who turned 100 on July 10, stands as a political titan who casts a long shadow over Malaysia's modern history. A physician from a modest background, he joined politics in the 1960s, and thereby embarked on an extraordinary trajectory. Mahathir was the founding father of modern Malaysia, its most enduring political figure, and, arguably, the architect of many of the contradictions that continue to define – and divide – the country. From his first stint as prime minister from 1981 until 2003, and again in a stunning political comeback from 2018 to 2020, Mahathir reshaped Malaysia's economy, identity, and politics. His legacy is both vertiginous and deeply contested. Central to Mahathir's worldview is the 'Malay Dilemma,' an idea that he articulated in his 1970 book of the same name. Drawing from colonial narratives – notably those later critiqued by sociologist Syed Hussein Alatas in his study 'The Myth of The Lazy Native' – Mahathir internalized and reinterpreted British stereotypes of the 'lazy' or 'nonchalant' Malay. Rather than rejecting these views outright, he reframed them as an urgent national problem: the Malays, the 'sons of the soil,' were being left behind by the economically dominant Chinese minority, highlighting that the traditions of 'forced marriage of the unfit' and 'inbreeding' which, according to Mahathir, had produced 'a much greater percentage of human failures among the Malay as compared with other races.' This book aimed to explain the ethnic tensions between Malays and Chinese during the politically orchestrated ethnic riots of May 1969. In a preface to a new edition of 'The Malay Dilemma' published in 2008, Mahathir revised his view over the extent to which hereditary factors had contributed to the socio-economic status of the Malay, but the idea continues to haunt the Malaysian national psyche to the present. Mahathir's diagnosis of Malay social pathologies laid the groundwork for Malaysia's affirmative action policies, most notably the New Economic Policy (NEP), which privileged Malays in areas ranging from education to business and the civil service. Under Mahathir, these policies were not only expanded but entrenched in the country's corporate, social, and political cultures. During this time, Mahathir's management of the economy was widely praised. He prioritized fiscal discipline, maintained a relatively open market, focused on infrastructure development, and actively encouraged foreign direct investment. These efforts contributed to a consistent annual growth rate of around 6-7 percent during most of his tenure. His rule also cultivated a new confident Malay urban elite, who benefited greatly from his state-sponsored contracts and quotas. But in doing so, he also locked the Malay community into a framework of entitlement and dependency. What began as protectionism morphed into institutionalized favoritism, with political patronage and crony capitalism feeding a system that ultimately undermined the very self-reliance Mahathir hoped to instill. While intended to uplift the Malay majority, these policies deepened Malaysia's racial fractures. By encoding ethnic identity into economic opportunity, Mahathir's policies helped formalize a structural racial divide that persists today. Each election cycle has seen politicians – especially those from the dominant Malay parties – doubling down on the rhetoric of racial entitlement and fear. Instead of fostering national cohesion, the policies seeded mistrust and resentment between communities. Ironically, in his later years, Mahathir seemed to recognize the limitations and unintended consequences of this strategy. In his last term, he tried to reform the system, acknowledging that the quota-based policies no longer gave Malays a real advantage. But rather than blaming the outdated structures he helped build, Mahathir often turned his criticism inward, accusing the Malay community of complacency and failure to seize the opportunities offered to them. Paradoxically, the father of Malay empowerment chastised his own people for not thriving within the very system he contributed to designing. During his brief second term as prime minister, Mahathir took bold steps to tackle corruption, a move many saw as a long-overdue attempt to redeem his legacy. He appointed Latheefa Koya, a respected human rights lawyer and fierce critic of institutional corruption, to head Malaysia's anti-graft agency. Yet, skeptics questioned the sincerity of these reforms. The infamous 1MDB scandal, which exploded under Prime Minister Najib Razak's 2009-2018 tenure, is a symptom of the system that was created during Mahathir's earlier tenure: the building of the new United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and a Malay elite. His critics accused him of using anti-corruption efforts selectively, targeting rivals rather than genuinely dismantling the structures that enabled graft. In 2018, Mahathir's return to power against all odds was historical. At 93, he led the opposition coalition to an unexpected victory, toppling UMNO, the party he once led, for the first time since the country's independence. It was a masterclass in political reinvention: from autocratic strongman to democratic savior. Mahathir managed the impossible feat of rewriting his legacy in real time. But his second act ended in chaos. Misreading the fragile alliances that brought him back to power, Mahathir resigned in 2020, believing, as he often had before, that the nation would call him back to stabilize the government. Instead, his former deputy, Muhyiddin Yassin, seized the moment and formed a new coalition without him. This miscalculation echoed an earlier one. In the late 1990s, Mahathir dismissed Anwar Ibrahim, then his heir apparent, triggering a political crisis that would shape Malaysia for two decades. Mahathir underestimated his allies both times and paid the price. In his last attempt to run for an election, Mahathir's newly formed party, the Parti Pejuang Tanah Air (Homeland Fighter's Party) or Pejuang, had disastrous results; all candidates, including Mahathir, performed so poorly that they lost their election deposits. Mahathir now refers to himself, often sarcastically, as a 'dictator' who resigned twice. His long career has made him both a living relic and a reference point for a generation of strongmen. His friendships with controversial figures like Fidel Castro and Robert Mugabe, and admiration for figures such as Nelson Mandela, whose first political campaign he quietly funded, paint a portrait of a leader who was adept at operating on both the world stage and in the maze of domestic politics. Today, as global politics witnesses a resurgence of autocrats claiming democratic legitimacy, Mahathir offers a cautionary tale. His criticisms of leaders like Donald Trump are laced with irony, given his own long flirtation with authoritarianism. And yet, unlike many of his peers, Mahathir walked away, not once, but twice, from power. Whether that was courage, hubris, or simply miscalculation is a question my academic colleagues will debate. But there's no denying his impact. Mahathir built Malaysia's modern foundation, and created its political fault lines. Understanding his career is not just about understanding one man's journey, but the story of an entire nation navigating the promises and perils of leadership, identity, and ambition.
Nikkei Asia
7 hours ago
- Nikkei Asia
China Politburo cheers 'resilience,' warns on 'disorderly competition'
President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Qiang at a reception last September. China's top decision makers have acknowledged that the economy "faces many risks and challenges." © Reuters STELLA YIFAN XIE HONG KONG -- China's top decision-making body on Wednesday signaled confidence while also pledging to support growth and tackle "disorderly competition" in the world's No. 2 economy. The Chinese economy has run "steadily" and demonstrated "great vitality and resilience" in 2025, according to a readout from the meeting of the Communist Party's Politburo.
Asahi Shimbun
8 hours ago
- Asahi Shimbun
Chinese company accused of bogus refund claim on consumption tax
Tax authorities have penalized a Hong Kong-based freight company for submitting a fraudulent refund claim on the consumption tax, the first such case to come to light. As the number of foreign companies required to pay the consumption tax is rapidly increasing, tax authorities have been struggling to keep track of dubious filings. According to sources, the international freight company hired a Japanese logistics firm to deliver goods, paid the charge, including the consumption tax, and claimed a refund on the grounds that the taxable amount was negative. The procedure was handled by a tax accountant firm in Osaka, which acted as the company's 'tax agent,' the sources said. However, an investigation by the Tokyo Regional Taxation Bureau found suspicions that the Chinese company had falsified a bill required for the refund and inflated the payment amount. The company was hit with about 30 million yen ($200,000) in back taxes and penalties in 2023. In principle, foreign companies are not obligated to pay corporate taxes unless they have a base in Japan. However, if they sell goods or provide services in Japan, the consumption tax is levied based on transaction amounts. Even if companies are based overseas, they must pay the consumption tax by subtracting the tax amount paid on purchases from the amount received on sales. If the resulting amount is negative, they are eligible for a refund. According to Tokyo Regional Taxation Bureau documents, 8,148 foreign companies were required to pay only the consumption tax in 2024, including those eligible for refunds, a sharp increase from 4,086 companies in 2023 and 1,538 in 2022. A factor behind the increase is the invoice system introduced in 2023. The 'qualified invoice' contains the company's registration number, transaction details, tax amounts and other data. Japanese firms doing business with foreign companies in Japan need an invoice issued by the latter when paying the consumption tax. As a result, a growing number of foreign companies are registering with the National Tax Agency for issuing invoices. Tax authorities have increased surveillance of foreign companies suspected of failing to pay the consumption tax, such as game and app distributors, since around 2021. The monitoring system is far from robust, however. Of about 56,000 officials in charge of national taxes across Japan, only 50 or so at the Tokyo Regional Taxation Bureau are responsible for investigating foreign companies. 'We simply do not have the resources to investigate every foreign company,' a tax official said. Shigeru Ino, a professor of tax law at Asia University, said enhancing the collection of the consumption tax, which accounts for the largest share of tax revenue, is essential. 'We need to improve the monitoring system for foreign companies and strengthen the accountability of tax agents who handle procedures on their behalf,' said Ino, a former regional commissioner of the Sapporo Regional Taxation Bureau.
