Willmar, Minnesota, 'No Kings' rally on June 14 changes location
's
rally has changed from
to the Willmar Middle School, 201 Willmar Ave. SE.
According to an announcement from the local group, the rally will begin at 10 a.m. Saturday at the parking lot at Willmar Middle School. Participants will then march to First Street led by a drummer. Bob and Jean Whitney will lead participants in patriotic songs and there will be speeches by veterans.
Actions are taking place across the country to reject corrupt, authoritarian politics in the United States during President
military parade in Washington, D.C., according to a May 5 news release from
"Instead of allowing this military parade to be the center of gravity, activists will make action everywhere else the story of America that day," the release states.
Organizers have emphasized that a core principle behind all No Kings events is a commitment to nonviolent action. It is expected that all participants seek to de-escalate any potential confrontation with those who disagree and to act lawfully at these events. Weapons of any kind, including those legally permitted, should not be brought to events.
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Los Angeles Times
a day ago
- Los Angeles Times
Get a manicure. Sing Monty Python. Be happy. You'll drive the Trumpists crazy
As the psychiatrist Dr. Melfi says to Tony in the pilot episode of 'The Sopranos,' 'Hope comes in many forms.' I was reminded of this the other day when I found my finger glued to the hand of another woman. I had set out that morning to celebrate all the indications that the political plates of the Earth had shifted — millions of people at the No Kings marches, all the court cases that the White House keeps losing and Trump's Epstein nightmare. I wanted to immerse myself in the headway. Something's happening here. Those in charge want us to give up until the next election, but of course we are not going to, because we have children and nieces and nephews. The dark forces must be childless. They are not concerned about squeezing the life out of the Constitution, the rising oceans and the re-emergence of diseases long eradicated, because they are so bottomlessly stupid and greedy. And they are unaware of what happens when the autocracy overreaches. Every time. Think pitchforks. Tick-tock. This gives me a little hope. Hope comes in many forms: When I hear the songs of the civil rights movement at our marches, a soft gong sounds. The poet Jack Gilbert wrote, 'We must admit that there will be music despite everything.' Ever since I heard the author Caroline Myss say that when darkness and evil go nuclear, love and hope must go nuclear too, I started getting occasional manicures with glittery polish, to remind me. There was a nail salon in the first strip mall I passed. I went in. It seemed crowded, and I turned to leave. But the nearest manicurist said, 'Pick a color.' I said, 'No, no, you seem busy.' 'Pick a color!' she demanded, so I leapt to the polish station and picked a sparkly pale pink. An old woman came lumbering out from the back room toward me with a bowl of water. I dutifully fished out $25 from my purse, five of it tip, and put the fingers of one hand into the bowl of warm water. When one hand free, I scrolled through the links on my phone — the usual stuff, the government taking away health insurance from the poor and protecting American jobs by causing mass starvation around the world. The salon had grown incredibly hot. What hasn't? I smiled remembering Sen. Jim Inhofe tossing that snowball around on the Senate floor as proof that there is no global warming. God, the absurdity. Absurdity! A light bulb went on over my head in that salon. That's what we're missing. I realized that this was one solution to the cruel mess and the endless, depressing analysis. Yes, we will take to the streets at every opportunity, care for the poor and pick up litter. But we also, desperately, need to begin laughing again. And who does absurdity better than Monty Python? Monty Python says what we already know, that yes, it is all hopelessly stupid, cruel and unfair, but their making it silly delivers joy and buoyancy. We can grip our heads, fight back and laugh at it and them. And nothing agitates narcissists more than people laughing. Think of how confused our most prominent bullies get when people laugh at them. Bullies rule by fear. Humor is fearless, a bubbly form of hope. Remember the 'Upper Class Twit of the Year' award? And 'Self-Defense Against Fruit'? Aren't people in flag-draped lines voting to lose their health insurance and their basic rights reminiscent of folks queuing for crucifixion in 'Life of Brian'? The cheery, 'Line up on the left, one cross each'? Laughter and those jaunty songs break up the armor that we think protects us. When we're softened and jiggled, we're open to a shift from tight and clenched to the recognition of shared humanity, and underneath that a glimmer of shared possibility. When we don't see anything on the menu that we like, we can at least remember — as Monty Python taught us — that the Spam, egg, sausage and Spam sandwich has not got nearly as much Spam in it. I smiled, hearing the Spam song, right before my manicurist cut the skin at the base of the nail. I yelped. We both looked down at a drop of blood that was growing. She wrapped my finger in a Kleenex and pulled out a tiny tube I assumed was a styptic, and rubbed it over the cut. Then she pinched my finger between hers to stem the bleeding. After a minute, she tried to let go, which was the point at which I realized that this tube was super glue and that my finger was glued to her hand. She couldn't pry her fingers off. She started swabbing us with nail polish remover — not ideal for an open cut. I mewed like a kitten. It took a painful, burning minute to get us unglued. The bleeding was slowing down, and she stroked my hand while looking into my eyes kindly. Kindness is the antivenom. So we proceeded. I assumed that, the way things are going, I would die one day later this week of a fungal infection that went septic, but at least I would have beautiful nails, and Monty Python. I left her a second $5 tip. Hope comes in many forms: If you want to have hopeful feelings, do hopeful things. She touched her heart when she saw. Maybe I don't always remember my doctor's name, or how to spell the fuchsias that my husband grows, but I remember every word of 'The Lumberjack Song,' and of 'Every Sperm Is Sacred.' I hope we don't go crazy with the craziness around us. I can't remember a more terrifying time. I hope that we can keep centered, keep sharing what we have, help each other keep our spirits up, sing, register voters and rally, and maybe these are all we've got these days, but deep in my heart, I do believe that led with infinite dignity by the Ministry of Silly Walks, they will see us through. Anne Lamott, an author of fiction and nonfiction, lives in Marin County, Calif. Her latest book is 'Somehow: Thoughts on Love.' X: @annelamott
Politico
2 days ago
- Politico
Doggett pressures Casar to avoid a messy Democratic primary fight in Texas
Texas Republicans' new legislative maps draw Doggett and Casar, both from formerly safe blue districts, into one Austin-based seat. Rep. Lloyd Doggett speaks outside the State Capitol as demonstrators protest the Trump administration during the "No Kings" national rally in Austin, Texas, on June 14, 2025. | Sergio Flores/AFP via Getty Images By Gregory Svirnovskiy 08/11/2025 02:03 PM EDT Democratic Rep. Lloyd Doggett isn't backing down from what could be a thorny primary fight with Congressional Progressive Caucus Chair Greg Casar if Texas finalizes its redistricting effort to merge their seats. Texas Republicans' new legislative maps draw Doggett and Casar, both from formerly safe blue districts, into one Austin-based seat. But Doggett, who last year became the first Democratic lawmaker to press President Joe Biden to end his 2024 reelection bid, in a Sunday campaign email framed his decades of experience in the House as an asset. 'In a House again controlled by Democrats, seniority is power,' Doggett, a 16-term lawmaker, said in the email. 'And in fighting Republican shenanigans, experience is an asset. Nor was I personally slowed in working in all-night efforts to amend and fight Trump's Big Ugly Bill, which harms so many in so many ways.'
Time Magazine
6 days ago
- Time Magazine
History Can Teach Modern Activists About Coalition Building
In an era of doomscrolling and political anxiety, collective action and grassroots political organizing remain a powerful antidote to despair and disempowerment, and a force for change and progress. That has helped spur opponents of President Donald Trump to take to the streets. Protests throughout the spring and summer have demonstrated significant (and even international) opposition to the Trump Administration's agenda, particularly its attempts to consolidate power and undermine key institutions and services. And many marginalized populations (including migrants, the poor, people of color, women, and LGBTQIA+ folks) have been disproportionately impacted. Yet, commentators also have noted that, like many protests during Trump's first presidency, participants at protests such as the "No Kings" protest were overwhelmingly white (and older). This is problematic because history suggests that collective action is far more durable and effective when it transcends racial, class, age, and gender boundaries. From the Mississippi Freedom Movement to various Rainbow Coalitions, collaboration and coalition-building across social positions—despite the challenges and potential for tension—attract participants with a wider toolkit of resources, opportunities, and tactics. Multiracial and cross-class coalitions may be underemphasized in the historical record, but they existed and had a profound impact in the 1960s. In Chicago, for example, white working-class migrants from the South, known as the Young Patriots Organization, worked closely with the Illinois Black Panther Party and the Puerto Rican Young Lords Organization to fight against racism and poverty through protests and community programs. Drawing on the blueprint from Black and Latino community organizing, the Young Patriots successfully involved previously disenfranchised poor whites in their activism. The group developed free health clinics that treated thousands of people in the Uptown neighborhood, which was then known as 'hillbilly haven.' The Young Patriots' work demonstrated the power of organizing across social boundaries to create new, more powerful blocs that could bolster communities. Yet, cultivating such coalitions often presented difficult challenges. No group epitomized this better than the Mississippi Freedom Movement during the southern civil rights push. This effort emerged from the activism on college campuses that produced the creation of groups such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which was formed in 1960 and was known for organizing sit-ins and the Freedom Summer voter outreach project in 1964. Though Black college students founded SNCC and largely led the group, their organizing enabled them to recruit over 1000 Northern white college students to the cause. In 1964, the group turned its focus to Mississippi, where, despite the apparent dismantling of overt racial restrictions thanks to the newly passed federal Civil Rights Act, state and local laws empowered white officials to erect barriers to voter registration. Further, whites used the threat of racist violence, tacitly approved by elites, to stifle efforts to empower the Black population. SNCC allied with other national Civil Rights organizations to form the Council of Federated Organizations (COFO). COFO's voter registration efforts catalyzed the Mississippi Freedom Movement and helped build the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). Working-class African Americans from Mississippi led the MFDP. The party advocated for political representation of Blacks in Mississippi and challenged the white supremacist 'Dixiecrat' politics of the state Democratic Party. Between 1961 and 1966, the coalition of SNCC and the MFDP pamphleteered and organized both on northern college campuses and in impoverished Southern communities. It mobilized and brought into the movement two disparate populations: working-class and poor Southern Black people, as well as white middle- and upper-class Northern college student activists recruited through SNCC. Each group brought unique and robust experiences and tactics. The leaders of SNCC and the MFDP recognized that holding together such a diverse coalition required intentional steps to communicate the stakes of their efforts in language that would resonate with the interests and moral ideology of both groups. The MFDP focused on outreach to working-class and poor Black people in the South by emphasizing how Black political rights directly shaped their quality of life and mattered for the advancement of their interests. The group's pamphlets didn't present the gaining of political rights as a moral good in and of itself, but rather as a means to obtain greater security, resources, and influence. One pamphlet, 'The Congressional Challenge,' argued plainly, 'Congress does not do the things we want because we do not have anyone in Congress to speak for us.' Simultaneously, SNCC helped northern white students understand Black political rights as a matter of moral injustice. Many whites were aware of a lack of Black voter participation in the South but often lacked a deeper understanding of its causes and consequences. The pamphlets the group distributed on Northern college campuses covered the historical and legal aspects of this problem. It explained racial inequality by emphasizing the racism of southern white elites and the rank moral injustice of violence and discrimination. In 1964, the MFDP challenged the all-white Mississippi delegation to the Democratic National Convention, and while it failed to gain seats for its own delegation, the group helped transform the Democratic agenda by cultivating support for Black political rights from liberal Democrats and alienating segregationists. This push and pull reshaped the Democratic voting base and helped force the party to advocate for additional civil rights legislation. These efforts also shone a national spotlight on how the Democratic Party in the South disenfranchised Black people from the political process. In doing so, it permanently shifted the racial politics in the U.S. Yet, despite its major success, MFDP's efforts to coordinate actions between groups with vastly different approaches and interests posed a significant challenge for organizers and participants. Disagreements between white and Black participants about tactics and goals fractured the coalition and eventually SNCC itself. In contrast to other, more mainstream Civil Rights organizations, SNCC leaders began to emphasize Black separatism, which alienated white participants. In 1966, the group banned white members altogether, which undermined its stability, collaborative potential, and impact in the following years. The work of the MFDP and the Young Patriots shows the promises and perils of diverse coalitions as opponents of the Trump Administration look to effectuate change. Their history offers a blueprint for how a good communications strategy, and intentional collaborative outreach can enable the construction of such broad coalitions. Yet, this history also reveals how coalitions between groups with disparate world views and social positions can be as fragile as they are powerful. My own research suggests that too often today, progressive organizers are highly educated whites who fail to build bridges with diverse communities and activists of color. Instead, they frequently direct the burgeoning movement around their assumptions and habits—without cultivating and supporting the people most impacted by the Trump Administration. Even in ostensibly multiracial coalitions, this approach leads to burnout and disengagement for activists of color. This blind spot threatens to torpedo activists' success. But the nuanced collaboration and communications strategy employed by groups like the MFDP and the Young Patriots offers a solution, one that could dramatically increase the chances of achieving activists' goals. Adopting such tactics won't guarantee success or unity. But they offer a far better possibility than many of the methods being employed today. Michael L. Rosino is assistant professor of sociology at Molloy University, studying racial politics, democracy, and media. His most recent book, Democracy is Awkward, is available from the University of North Carolina Press.' Made by History takes readers beyond the headlines with articles written and edited by professional historians. Learn more about Made by History at TIME here. Opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of TIME editors.
