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The legacy of a Vietnam War hero scrubbed from a government webpage remains strong in the southernmost part of Texas

The legacy of a Vietnam War hero scrubbed from a government webpage remains strong in the southernmost part of Texas

Yahoo27-04-2025

Patriotism runs deep in this South Texas town nestled just along the border with Mexico. American flags fly outside many businesses. Pictures of veterans adorn light poles and traffic signal boxes. And a giant mural inside a popular grocery store depicts a hero you can't help but notice: Alfredo 'Freddy' González.
González was a United States Marine Corps sergeant from Edinburg, Texas, who joined the military in the late 1960s and was killed in action during the Vietnam War. In this southernmost region of Texas, known as the Rio Grande Valley, he is the namesake of a main thoroughfare, a park and an elementary school. Outside this area, his name has graced a US Navy warship for 30 years and, until recently, he had been featured among Hispanic veterans on the Naval History and Heritage Command website.
Like González's contributions, those made by women, LGBTQ+ individuals, people of color and historical figures are at the center of the Trump administration's purge of diversity, equity and inclusion-related content from government websites.
Some content on the Naval History and Heritage Command website has been 'moved to align with Department of Defense guidance and recent Executive Orders,' a spokesperson for the command told CNN earlier this month.
'This is a grave disrespect to Sgt. González's memory and a punch to the gut for South Texas and all of our service members. Has the President no shame?,' Democratic Rep. Vicente Gonzalez of Texas said in a statement last month about Gonzalez's removal from a section on the website highlighting Hispanic veterans.
While González's name and contributions may have been removed from some digital realms, in the physical world – most importantly in Edinburg – community members inspired by his mother, fellow veterans and students are keeping his legacy alive.
González was born in Edinburg in 1946. During his teenage years, he played football and worked in the fields picking cotton.
'He was probably the smallest lineman, offensive lineman, in the football team but he probably was the toughest,' his childhood friend Pete Vela said in a 2023 documentary.
When González graduated high school in 1965, he joined the US Marine Corps and served two tours fighting in Vietnam. He often corresponded with his mother during his time overseas, checking in on her and wanting to know how his friends and family in Edinburg were doing.
He served his country as well as those around him. In Vietnam, González risked his life to bring an injured Marine to safety, and later stepped in the line of fire to direct enemy troops away from his platoon.
A letter dated January 24, 1968 to González's mother offers a glimpse of how the soldier chose to live a life of service. In his missive, González wrote about a friend who was killed and how he hoped people understood what the loss meant.
'Mother, I was shocked to hear that Victor got killed, but it's things that will happen in war,' González wrote.
'I hope all the people back home remember Victor, cause he didn't give his life for nothing. It was in the line of duty. His life was given willing, rather than taken. That's the way I want you to think,' González added.
Many believe he was preparing his mother for what would likely become his fate.
González died 11 days later on February 4, 1968 after he was wounded trying to save his fellow Marines during the Battle of Hue, a major clash at the old imperial capital that was considered one of the Vietnam War's defining moments.
In his final act of heroism, González moved fearlessly from numerous firing positions as his unit was pinned down by intense incoming fire to destroy an enemy rocket position and successfully suppressed hostile bombardment — actions that protected his fellow Marines but left him fatally wounded. He was 21 years old.
His mother, Dolia González, turned her grief into a life's mission, becoming the keeper and teller of her son's story. When you go around Edinburg asking about González, everyone quickly brings her up.
'It was the love and the memory of her son that was Dolia's identity, and it was enduring,' said Francisco Guajardo, CEO of the Museum of South Texas History, which has a permanent exhibit dedicated to González featuring his uniform and posthumous decorations and medals, including a Purple Heart and the Congressional Medal of Honor.
Dolia González was 'almost like the mother of the community,' Guajardo said, noting that she helped numerous families cope and heal after losing children in the Vietnam War.
More than 50 years since his passing, Freddy González's voice echoes throughout the Museum of South Texas History with words for his mom who waited for him in his beloved hometown.
'My mother is Dolia González,' the sergeant said, adding his full address.
'Is there anything you would like to say to her this Christmas time?' a man is heard asking him.
'Merry Christmas and Happy New Year,' González replies as loud noises are heard in the background.
The audio was recorded in December of 1967, weeks before González was killed. The other man is a DJ from a local radio station who traveled to Vietnam to meet soldiers and recorded their holiday messages.
González penned more than 150 letters for his mother and even asked her to listen to the radio station for a surprise.
At bedtime, Dolia González read and cherished those letters, Guajardo said, until one day she donated them to the museum.
'It is what has kept me alive,' Guajardo recalled her saying in 2020 when she handed him the letters. '…But I'm all out of tears, and I'm afraid that the letters are going to get lost, so you take them.'
About 3 miles southwest from the museum is Freddy Gonzalez Elementary. Inside the single-story building, many children have learned about González's bravery and the importance of serving in the military.
'Sgt. Alfredo Gonzalez is a true role model the students can look up to,' said Naida N. Torres, the school's principal. 'He exemplified bravery, honor, duty and sacrifice.'
There are about 525 students enrolled at the school and the majority of them are Hispanic, according to the latest data released by the National Center for Education Statistics.
For the 50th anniversary of González's death, students stood outside of the school wearing red, white or blue T-shirts to form an American flag. They sang 'God Bless the USA' when some of the military's top brass filled the school's gymnasium in 2019 to present González's mother with the Congressional Medal of Honor flag. And they've met some of the veterans who served with González.
''First, we don't know him as Freddy, he is Sgt. Alfredo Gonzalez and second, I wouldn't be here today if it wasn't for him',' Torres recalled the veterans told students after a 2018 ceremony marking the 50th death anniversary of González.
González's presence and relevance in the school goes beyond simply being a namesake or having a memorial in the office with his uniform, military flag and certificates of recognition.
Instead of having an animal as a mascot, students see the USS Gonzalez, the Navy destroyer homeported more than 1,600 miles away in Virginia and named after the sergeant, as the symbol unifying their school community.
The bond between the elementary school and the battleship is so unique that the ship's crew has traveled to Edinburg to meet with students and have a Texas flag from the school on display at the USS Gonzalez.
Before being sent to its new home, the flag was raised next to the school's memorial garden that features a large marble stone with the names of soldiers from Edinburg who 'gave their lives for our country,' Torres said.
'Over 500 students and staff surrounded the pole with their hands over their hearts as the flag was raised to the top (of the flagpole),' the principal added.
On any given night, a number of veterans who attended school in Edinburg with González and other service members get together at the American Legion Alfredo Gonzalez Post 408.
While they enjoy singing on karaoke nights, dancing or playing the Mexican bingo-style game of lotería together, the veterans are the proudest when they have a chance to honor González's memory and support their community, several post members told CNN.
'(H)is memory is alive and we want to keep it alive by everything that we do, in everything that we do when we go out and represent the American Legion,' said Claudia Noyola, a retired Army veteran and finance officer of the post's executive committee. 'We're not just representing ourselves. We're representing Freddy González, his sacrifice. He's the hero.'
George Rabago, a Marine veteran and another member of the post's executive committee, said he is involved with the post because he doesn't want González or the group's memory to disappear.
One of the reasons Rabago joined the post was 'to follow the path of the older generation. And you know, hopefully carry the name of Freddy González until then, until the next generation comes in,' he said.
But they are not passively waiting for a younger generation to take over. Noyola, was a JROTC instructor at Edinburg High School and next month, the post will host its annual Freddy Gonzalez 5K, which helps them raise funds for scholarships.
When asked about González's contributions being removed from the Naval history webpage featuring Hispanic veterans, Noyola said she doubts it will change how Edinburg celebrates González.
'Everyone is so proud of our veterans, and so regardless of what's going on with the current administration, nothing's going to change here in Edinburg.' Noyola said. 'We will never erase any memory. Websites can come and go. We will always honor Freddy González and his legacy and his mother, Dolia González, for everything that she did.'
Sehila Mota Casper, the executive director of Latinos in Heritage Conservation, a non-profit advocating for preserving the cultural history, places and stories of Latinos in the US, said the Trump administration's efforts around DEI are 'detrimental to Latinx, BIPOC and underrepresented communities,' further inequality and damage the visibility of Latinos.
'I think it's a moment where we all need to stand up and speak out,' Casper said. 'We need to all collectively say that this is not okay, that you're erasing our history.'
González's biography is currently listed on government websites related to his Congressional Medal of Honor and the USS Gonzalez.
After grieving González for more than 56 years, his mother died last year at the age of 94.
Together, the veterans in Edinburg, the museum staff, students and many people who crossed paths with her said they are carrying on her mission in their own ways. They are making sure the González family legacy lives on.

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Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know
Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

San Francisco Chronicle​

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  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israel is supporting armed groups of Palestinians in Gaza in what it says is a move to counter Hamas. But officials from the U.N. and aid organizations say the military is allowing them to loot food and other supplies from their trucks. One self-styled militia, which calls itself the Popular Forces, led by Yasser Abu Shabab, says it is guarding newly created, Israeli-backed food distribution centers in southern Gaza. Aid workers say it has a long history of looting U.N. trucks. Gaza's armed groups have ties to powerful clans or extended families and often operate as criminal gangs. Aid workers allege Israel's backing of the groups is part of a wider effort to control all aid operations in the strip. Israel denies allowing looters to operate in areas it controls. Here's what we know about anti-Hamas armed groups in Gaza: Who are these groups? Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a social media video Thursday that Israel had 'activated' clans in Gaza to oppose Hamas. He didn't elaborate how Israel is supporting them or what role Israel wants them to play. Netanyahu's comments were in response to a political opponent accusing him of arming 'crime families' in Gaza. Clans, tribes and extended families have strong influence in Gaza, where their leaders often help mediate disputes. Some have long been armed to protect their group's interests, and some have morphed into gangs involved in smuggling drugs or running protection rackets. After seizing power in 2007, Hamas clamped down on Gaza's gangs -- sometimes with brute force and sometimes by steering perks their way. But with Hamas' weakening power after 20 months of war with Israel, gangs have regained freedom to act. The leadership of a number of clans — including the clan from which the Abu Shabab group's members hail — have issued statements denouncing looting and cooperation with Israel. A self-proclaimed 'nationalist force' The Abu Shabab group went public in early May, declaring itself a 'nationalist force.' It said it was protecting aid, including around the food distribution hubs run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a mainly American private contractor that Israel intends to replace the U.N.-led aid network. Aid workers and Palestinians who know the group estimate it has several hundred fighters. The Abu Shabab group's media office told The Associated Press it was collaborating with GHF 'to ensure that the food and medicine reaches its beneficiaries.' It said it was not involved in distribution, but that its fighters secured the surroundings of distribution centers run by GHF inside military-controlled zones in the Rafah area. A spokesperson with GHF said it had 'no collaboration' with Abu Shabab. 'We do have local Palestinian workers we are very proud of, but none is armed, and they do not belong to Abu Shabab's organization,' the spokesperson said, speaking on condition of anonymity in accordance with the group's rules. Before the war, Yasser Abu Shabab was involved in smuggling cigarettes and drugs from Egypt and Israel into Gaza through crossings and tunnels, according to two members of his extended family, one of whom was once part of his group. Hamas arrested Abu Shabab but freed him from prison along with most other inmates when the war began in October 2023, they said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals. Abu Shabab's media office said he was summoned by police before the war but wasn't officially accused or tried. It also said claims the group was involved in attacking aid trucks were 'exaggerated,' saying its fighters 'took the minimum amount of food and water necessary.' The head of the association in Gaza that provides trucks and drivers for aid groups said their members' vehicles have been attacked many times by Abu Shabab's fighters. Nahed Sheheiber said the group has been active in Israeli-controlled eastern parts of Rafah and Khan Younis, targeting trucks as they enter Gaza from the Kerem Shalom crossing with Israel. Troops nearby 'did nothing' to stop attacks, he said. Sheheiber said that when Hamas policemen have tried to confront gangs or guard truck convoys, they were attacked by Israeli troops. One driver, Issam Abu Awda, told the AP he was attacked by Abu Shabab fighters last July. The fighters stopped his truck, blindfolded and handcuffed him and his assistant, then loaded the supplies off the vehicle, he said. Abu Awda said nearby Israeli troops didn't intervene. These kinds of attacks are still happening and highlight 'a disturbing pattern,' according to Jonathan Whittall, from the U.N. humanitarian coordinator, OCHA. 'Those who have blocked and violently ransacked aid trucks seem to have been protected' by Israeli forces, said Whittall, head of OCHA's office for the occupied Palestinian territories. And, he added, they have now become the 'protectors of the goods being distributed through Israel's new militarized hubs,' referring to the GHF-run sites. The Israeli military did not reply when asked for comment on allegations it has allowed armed groups to loot trucks. But the Israeli prime minister's office called the accusations 'fake news,' saying, 'Israel didn't allow looters to operate in Israeli controlled areas.' Israel often accuses Hamas of stealing from trucks. What does all this have to do with aid? Muhammad Shehada, a political analyst from Gaza who is a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said he doesn't believe Israel's support for armed groups is aimed at directly fighting Hamas. So far there has been no attempt to deploy the groups against the militants. Instead, he said, Israel is using the gangs and the looting to present GHF 'as the only alternative to provide food to Palestinians,' since its supplies get in while the U.N.'s don't. Israel wants the GHF to replace the U.N.-led aid system because it claims Hamas has been siphoning off large amounts of supplies. The U.N. denies that significant amounts have been taken by Hamas. Israel has also said it aims to move all Palestinians in Gaza to a 'sterile zone' in the south, around the food hubs, while it fights Hamas elsewhere. The U.N. and aid groups have rejected that as using food as a tool for forced displacement. The Abu Shabab group has issued videos online urging Palestinians to move to tent camps in Rafah. Israel barred all food and other supplies from entering Gaza for 2 ½ months , pending the start of GHF – a blockade that has brought the population to the brink of famine. GHF started distributing food boxes on May 26 at three hubs guarded by private contractors inside Israeli military zones. Israel has let in some trucks of aid for the U.N. to distribute. But the U.N. says it has been able to get little of it into the hands of Palestinians because of Israeli military restrictions, including requiring its trucks to use roads where looters are known to operate. 'It's Israel's way of telling the U.N., if you want to try to bring aid into Gaza, good luck with this," said Shehada. "We will force you to go through a road where everything you brought will be looted.' Magdy and Keath reported from Cairo

Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know
Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

Hamilton Spectator

time22 minutes ago

  • Hamilton Spectator

Israel backs an anti-Hamas armed group known for looting aid in Gaza. Here's what we know

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israel is supporting armed groups of Palestinians in Gaza in what it says is a move to counter Hamas. But officials from the U.N. and aid organizations say the military is allowing them to loot food and other supplies from their trucks. One self-styled militia, which calls itself the Popular Forces, led by Yasser Abu Shabab, says it is guarding newly created, Israeli-backed food distribution centers in southern Gaza. Aid workers say it has a long history of looting U.N. trucks. Gaza's armed groups have ties to powerful clans or extended families and often operate as criminal gangs. Aid workers allege Israel's backing of the groups is part of a wider effort to control all aid operations in the strip. Israel denies allowing looters to operate in areas it controls. Here's what we know about anti-Hamas armed groups in Gaza: Who are these groups? Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a social media video Thursday that Israel had 'activated' clans in Gaza to oppose Hamas. He didn't elaborate how Israel is supporting them or what role Israel wants them to play. Netanyahu's comments were in response to a political opponent accusing him of arming 'crime families' in Gaza. Clans, tribes and extended families have strong influence in Gaza, where their leaders often help mediate disputes. Some have long been armed to protect their group's interests, and some have morphed into gangs involved in smuggling drugs or running protection rackets. After seizing power in 2007, Hamas clamped down on Gaza's gangs — sometimes with brute force and sometimes by steering perks their way. But with Hamas' weakening power after 20 months of war with Israel, gangs have regained freedom to act. The leadership of a number of clans — including the clan from which the Abu Shabab group's members hail — have issued statements denouncing looting and cooperation with Israel. A self-proclaimed 'nationalist force' Besides the Abu Shabab group, it is not known how many armed groups Israel is supporting. The Abu Shabab group went public in early May, declaring itself a 'nationalist force.' It said it was protecting aid, including around the food distribution hubs run by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation , a mainly American private contractor that Israel intends to replace the U.N.-led aid network. Aid workers and Palestinians who know the group estimate it has several hundred fighters. The Abu Shabab group's media office told The Associated Press it was collaborating with GHF 'to ensure that the food and medicine reaches its beneficiaries.' It said it was not involved in distribution, but that its fighters secured the surroundings of distribution centers run by GHF inside military-controlled zones in the Rafah area. A spokesperson with GHF said it had 'no collaboration' with Abu Shabab. 'We do have local Palestinian workers we are very proud of, but none is armed, and they do not belong to Abu Shabab's organization,' the spokesperson said, speaking on condition of anonymity in accordance with the group's rules. Before the war, Yasser Abu Shabab was involved in smuggling cigarettes and drugs from Egypt and Israel into Gaza through crossings and tunnels, according to two members of his extended family, one of whom was once part of his group. Hamas arrested Abu Shabab but freed him from prison along with most other inmates when the war began in October 2023, they said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals. Abu Shabab's media office said he was summoned by police before the war but wasn't officially accused or tried. It also said claims the group was involved in attacking aid trucks were 'exaggerated,' saying its fighters 'took the minimum amount of food and water necessary.' Aid workers say it is notorious for looting The head of the association in Gaza that provides trucks and drivers for aid groups said their members' vehicles have been attacked many times by Abu Shabab's fighters. Nahed Sheheiber said the group has been active in Israeli-controlled eastern parts of Rafah and Khan Younis, targeting trucks as they enter Gaza from the Kerem Shalom crossing with Israel. Troops nearby 'did nothing' to stop attacks, he said. Sheheiber said that when Hamas policemen have tried to confront gangs or guard truck convoys, they were attacked by Israeli troops. One driver, Issam Abu Awda, told the AP he was attacked by Abu Shabab fighters last July. The fighters stopped his truck, blindfolded and handcuffed him and his assistant, then loaded the supplies off the vehicle, he said. Abu Awda said nearby Israeli troops didn't intervene. These kinds of attacks are still happening and highlight 'a disturbing pattern,' according to Jonathan Whittall, from the U.N. humanitarian coordinator, OCHA. 'Those who have blocked and violently ransacked aid trucks seem to have been protected' by Israeli forces, said Whittall, head of OCHA's office for the occupied Palestinian territories. And, he added, they have now become the 'protectors of the goods being distributed through Israel's new militarized hubs,' referring to the GHF-run sites. The Israeli military did not reply when asked for comment on allegations it has allowed armed groups to loot trucks. But the Israeli prime minister's office called the accusations 'fake news,' saying, 'Israel didn't allow looters to operate in Israeli controlled areas.' Israel often accuses Hamas of stealing from trucks. What does all this have to do with aid? Muhammad Shehada, a political analyst from Gaza who is a visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, said he doesn't believe Israel's support for armed groups is aimed at directly fighting Hamas. So far there has been no attempt to deploy the groups against the militants. Instead, he said, Israel is using the gangs and the looting to present GHF 'as the only alternative to provide food to Palestinians,' since its supplies get in while the U.N.'s don't. Israel wants the GHF to replace the U.N.-led aid system because it claims Hamas has been siphoning off large amounts of supplies. The U.N. denies that significant amounts have been taken by Hamas. Israel has also said it aims to move all Palestinians in Gaza to a 'sterile zone' in the south, around the food hubs, while it fights Hamas elsewhere. The U.N. and aid groups have rejected that as using food as a tool for forced displacement. The Abu Shabab group has issued videos online urging Palestinians to move to tent camps in Rafah. Israel barred all food and other supplies from entering Gaza for 2 1/2 months , pending the start of GHF – a blockade that has brought the population to the brink of famine. GHF started distributing food boxes on May 26 at three hubs guarded by private contractors inside Israeli military zones. Israel has let in some trucks of aid for the U.N. to distribute. But the U.N. says it has been able to get little of it into the hands of Palestinians because of Israeli military restrictions, including requiring its trucks to use roads where looters are known to operate. 'It's Israel's way of telling the U.N., if you want to try to bring aid into Gaza, good luck with this,' said Shehada. 'We will force you to go through a road where everything you brought will be looted.' ___ Magdy and Keath reported from Cairo Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .

Trump has rejected police reform. States and localities must take the lead.
Trump has rejected police reform. States and localities must take the lead.

The Hill

time35 minutes ago

  • The Hill

Trump has rejected police reform. States and localities must take the lead.

Five years after a Minneapolis police officer brutally murdered a handcuffed George Floyd by kneeling on his neck for over nine minutes, prompting worldwide protests against wrongful police killings of Black people, the Trump administration has taken a giant step back from police reform. The Justice Department announced in May that it is abandoning agreements reached with police departments in Minneapolis and Louisville, Ky., mandating reforms designed to reduce killings, brutality and other police misconduct. The Justice Department is conducting a review to determine if it should drop similar agreements with about a dozen other police departments. On top of this, the Justice Department will end civil rights investigations of alleged criminal conduct by the Louisiana State Police and police departments in Memphis, Mount Vernon, N.Y., Oklahoma City, Phoenix and Trenton, N.J. Thankfully, Minneapolis officials announced that they will abide by their agreement, known as a consent decree, reached with the Justice Department in the closing days of the Biden presidency. But it is absurd to depend on police departments to police themselves. The federal government has a duty to protect people from police who engage in criminal conduct. The dangerous pullback by the Justice Department is likely to result in more wrongful deaths at the hands of police — particularly of Black people and members of other minority groups. A nationwide count by the Washington Post of deadly shootings by police from 2015 through 2024 found that Black people 'are killed by police at more than twice the rate' of white people in America. The number of non-Hispanic whites killed by police was 4,657, compared with 2,484 Black people. Because only 14 percent of the American population is Black, the number of people killed by police annually averaged 6.1 per million of the Black population, compared with 2.5 per million of the white population. There are, of course, times when police must use deadly force to prevent the killing of others. But this wasn't the case with Floyd and many others killed by police. Floyd, who was unarmed, was only suspected of using a counterfeit $20 bill to buy cigarettes. As a Black man like Floyd, I have experienced the unfair and harsh treatment some officers give to people who look like us. I've been stopped on the road and detained in front of my home by police several times when doing nothing wrong. I've been ordered out of my home and car to lay on the ground, had guns pointed at me, been handcuffed and been threatened with arrest. I don't think I would be treated this way were it not for the color of my skin. Most police officers never beat, shoot or kill anyone. They risk their lives to keep us safe and deserve our gratitude. But it is naive to believe that officers can do no wrong, that we live in a colorblind society or that there is no such thing as systemic racism. In the wake of the Trump administration's rejection of its duty to protect us all from police misconduct, the job of implementing needed reforms must go to state and local governments that oversee police agencies. Here are some actions they should take. Increase police funding to implement reforms: After Floyd's murder, some progressives adopted the slogan 'defund the police.' That was a mistake. Police departments need more federal, state and local government funding to better train and pay officers and to put more officers on the street to do police work the right way. More funding will make it less likely that police engage in the kind of unlawful violence that killed Floyd and too many others. Polling by CBS in 2022 found only 9 percent of Americans believed providing less funding for police would help prevent violent crime, while 49 percent said more funding for police would do so. A Gallup poll the same year found 89 percent of Americans believed minor or major changes were needed to improve policing — including 87 percent of whites, 90 percent of Hispanics and 95 percent of Blacks. Focus on preventing crime, not just crime response: Putting more cops on the street and having them get out of their patrol cars to build relationships with people and businesses helps officers gather intelligence about bad actors. The increased presence of officers in communities will prevent crime. This is an expensive but necessary step if we are serious about police reform. Independently investigate alleged misconduct: Rather than relying on police departments to police themselves and investigate officers accused of misconduct, states and localities should set up independent commissions to objectively conduct such investigations. Reward good cops and punish bad ones: Officers who report misconduct by colleagues should be rewarded financially and with promotions, while officers acting improperly should be disciplined, including with firing and prosecution when they commit crimes. A national database of fired officers should be established so bad cops can't get hired by departments in other localities. Increase police pay and education requirements: Raising police pay will make it easier to attract well-qualified job applicants. Departments should require every new hire to have at least two years of college and eventually a four-year degree. A 2017 national survey found that about 52 percent of officers had two-year college degrees, about 30 percent had four-year degrees and about 5 percent had graduate degrees. Governing Magazine reported in 2023 that 'research suggests that officers with college degrees generate fewer substantiated complaints and … are less likely to shoot or kill members of the public.' Increase screening of police recruits and veteran officers: Use psychological tests and in-depth interviews to identify those unsuitable for police work because they are too eager to use violence — especially if they feel threatened — or too prejudiced against certain groups. Increase officer training: Better training will make officers better able to do their jobs without resorting to deadly force. This should include training in psychology and mental health to assist officers in dealing with people experiencing a mental health crisis. Alternatively, set up a division of mental health police officers to address incidents where drugs or mental issues are the source of bad conduct. 'One in five fatal police shooting victims may have been experiencing a mental health crisis … at the time of their death,' a federal study of 633 deadly police shootings concluded. These recommendations are all common sense and promote justice and public safety. With the Trump administration abandoning its responsibility to investigate police misconduct and demand reforms, the job passes to state and local governments. Doing so would be a fitting tribute to George Floyd and the many others wrongfully killed by police. A. Scott Bolden is an attorney, former New York state prosecutor, NewsNation contributor and former chair of the Washington, D.C. Democratic Party.

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