
Malaysia seals 'win-win' deal, slashing tariffs on 98% of US goods
NORMAN GOH and AHMAD MUSTAKIM
KUALA LUMPUR -- Malaysia has secured a "win-win" tariff deal with the U.S., taking a comprehensive and systematic approach in deciding its final offer, the Southeast Asian country's trade minister said Friday.
Malaysia agreed to reduce or eliminate tariffs on 98.4% of American products, covering more than 11,000 items, such as industrial and agricultural imports.

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Japan Today
3 hours ago
- Japan Today
Modi and Trump once called each other good friends. Now the U.S.-India relationship is getting bumpy
By SHEIKH SAALIQ and RAJESH ROY A student of Gurukul school of Art completes artwork of U.S. President Donald Trump and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi, in Mumbai, India, Friday, Aug. 1, 2025. (AP Photo/Rajanish Kakade) They men shared bear hugs, showered praise on each other and made appearances side by side at stadium rallies — a big optics boost for two populist leaders with ideological similarities. Each called the other a good friend. In India, the bonhomie between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and U.S. President Donald Trump was seen as a relationship like no other. That is, until a series of events gummed up the works. From Trump's tariffs and India's purchase of oil from Russia to a U.S. tilt towards Pakistan, friction between New Delhi and Washington has been hard to miss. And much of it has happened far from the corridors of power and, unsurprisingly, through Trump's posts on social media. It has left policy experts wondering whether the camaraderie the two leaders shared may be a thing of the past, even though Trump has stopped short of referring to Modi directly on social media. The dip in rapport, some say, puts a strategic bilateral relationship built over decades at risk. 'This is a testing time for the relationship,' said Ashok Malik, a former policy adviser in India's Foreign Ministry. The White House did not immediately respond to a message seeking comment. The latest hiccup between India and the U.S. emerged last week when Trump announced that he was slapping 25% tariffs on India as well as an unspecified penalty because of India's purchasing of Russian oil. For New Delhi, such a move from its largest trading partner is expected to be felt across sectors, but it also led to a sense of unease in India — even more so when Trump, on social media, called India's economy 'dead.' Trump's recent statements reflect his frustration with the pace of trade talks with India, according to a White House official who was not authorized to speak publicly and spoke on condition of anonymity to describe internal administration thinking. The Republican president has not been pursuing any strategic realignment with Pakistan, according to the official, but is instead trying to play hardball in negotiations. Trump doubled down on the pressure Monday with a fresh post on Truth Social, in which he accused India of buying 'massive amounts' of oil from Russia and then 'selling it on the Open Market for big profits.' 'They don't care how many people in Ukraine are being killed by the Russian War Machine. Because of this, I will be substantially raising the Tariff paid by India to the USA,' he said. The messaging appears to have stung Modi's administration, which has been hard-selling negotiations with Trump's team over a trade deal by balancing between India's protectionist system while also opening up the country's market to more American goods. Many expected India to react strongly considering Modi's carefully crafted reputation of strength. Instead, the announcement prompted a rather careful response from India's commerce minister, Piyush Goyal, who said the two countries are working towards a 'fair, balanced and mutually beneficial bilateral trade agreement.' India's Foreign Ministry also played down suggestions of any strain. However, experts in New Delhi wonder. 'Strenuous, uninterrupted and bipartisan efforts in both capitals over the past 25 years are being put at risk by not just the tariffs but by fast and loose statements and social media posts,' said Malik, who now heads the India chapter of The Asia Group, a U.S. advisory firm . Malik also said the trade deal the Indian side has offered to the U.S. is the 'most expansive in this country's history,' referring to reports that India was willing to open up to some American agricultural products. That is a politically sensitive issue for Modi, who faced a yearlong farmers' protest a few years ago. The unraveling may have gained momentum over tariffs, but the tensions have been palpable for a while. Much of it has to do with Trump growing closer to Pakistan, India's nuclear rival in the neighborhood. In May, India and Pakistan traded a series of military strikes over a gun massacre in disputed Kashmir that New Delhi blamed Islamabad for. Pakistan denied the accusations. The four-day conflict made the possibility of a nuclear conflagration between the two sides seem real and the fighting only stopped when global powers intervened. But it was Trump's claims of mediation and an offer to work to provide a 'solution' regarding the dispute over Kashmir that made Modi's administration uneasy. Since then, Trump has repeated nearly two dozen times that he brokered peace between India and Pakistan. For Modi, that is a risky — even nervy — territory. Domestically, he has positioned himself as a leader who is tough on Pakistan. Internationally, he has made huge diplomatic efforts to isolate the country. So Trump's claims cut a deep wound, prompting a sense in India that the U.S. may no longer be its strategic partner. India insists that Kashmir is India's internal issue and had opposed any third-party intervention. Last week Modi appeared to dismiss Trump's claims after India's Opposition began demanding answers from him. Modi said that 'no country in the world stopped' the fighting between India and Pakistan, but he did not name Trump. Trump has also appeared to be warming up to Pakistan, even praising its counterterrorism efforts. Hours after levying tariffs on India, Trump announced a 'massive' oil exploration deal with Pakistan, saying that some day, India might have to buy oil from Islamabad. Earlier, he also hosted one of Pakistan's top military officials at a private lunch. Sreeram Sundar Chaulia, an expert at New Delhi's Jindal School of International Affairs, said Trump's sudden admiration for Pakistan as a great partner in counterterrorism has 'definitely soured' the mood in India. Chaulia said 'the best-case scenario is that this is just a passing Trump whim,' but he also warned that 'if financial and energy deals are indeed being struck between the U.S. and Pakistan, it will dent the U.S.-India strategic partnership and lead to loss of confidence in the U.S. in Indian eyes.' The strain in relations has also to do with oil. India had faced strong pressure from the Biden administration to cut back its oil purchases from Moscow during the early months of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Instead, India bought more, making it the second-biggest buyer of Russian oil after China. That pressure sputtered over time and the U.S. focused more on building strategic ties with India, which is seen as a bulwark against a rising China. Trump's threat to penalize India over oil, however, brought back those issues. On Sunday, the Trump administration made its frustrations over ties between India and Russia ever more public. Stephen Miller, deputy chief of staff at the White House, accused India of financing Russia's war in Ukraine by purchasing oil from Moscow, saying it was 'not acceptable.' Some experts, though, suspect Trump's remarks are mere pressure tactics. 'Given the wild fluctuations in Trump's policies,' Chaulia said, 'it may return to high fives and hugs again.' Associated Press writer Michelle L. Price in Washington contributed reporting. © Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.


Yomiuri Shimbun
13 hours ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Trump Wants More American Pick-Ups in Tokyo and London. That May Be a Hard Sell
TOKYO/STOCKHOLM, August 7 (Reuters) – Donald Trump is right that Japan and Europe buy few American-made cars – but it has little to do with trade barriers. From Tokyo to London, many consumers see Detroit's offerings as simply too big and too gas-guzzling. That view has made Chevrolets and Cadillacs a hard sell, and a rare sight, in cities full of slimmer cars from the Toyota Corolla to Honda Civic, Volkswagen Golf and Renault Clio. Trump often complains about what he sees as a refusal to accept U.S. cars while the Japanese and Europeans sell millions of automobiles a year into the United States. In recent trade deals, both markets agreed to drop or ease safety tests on American vehicle imports. Europe will lower levies on U.S. cars. But it may take more than a change of rules and lower tariffs to convince Japanese and European consumers, who contend with narrow roads and painfully tight parking, to buy big American-made Ford F-150 trucks and Cadillac Escalade SUVs. 'American cars are designed for wide roads and freeway driving, so handling them on narrow Japanese streets can be tricky. It takes a bit of technique,' said Yumihito Yasue, president of Johnan Jeep Petit in Tokyo, which imports and services vintage cars from the United States. His customers tend to be enthusiasts in their 50s and 60s who grew up seeing American cars on TV and in movies. On a recent weekday, he was servicing two Chevrolets, a lustrous brown 1971 Nova and a low-slung 1986 El Camino, both with their steering wheels on the left. In Japan, steering is on the right. Yasue inherited his love of American cars from his father, who started the business four decades ago and would travel to California to scout for cars. Yasue took over after his father died nine years ago, and sells about 20 vehicles a year. 'What makes American cars special is the design. Compared to Japanese or German cars, the body shape is more beautiful. Especially the lines, like the rear lines and the fenders,' he said. Some 3.7 million new cars were sold in Japan last year, with a third of those mini or 'kei' cars – tiny, fuel efficient vehicles not produced by American automakers. Overall, foreign cars accounted for 6% of new car sales, data from the Japanese Automobile Manufacturers Association showed. Of those, around 570 Chevys, 450 Cadillacs and 120 Dodges were sold, data from the Japan Automobile Importers Association showed. Ford F.N pulled out of Japan almost a decade ago. Tesla TSLA.O makes cars sleeker than some of Detroit's and is becoming more popular. The data does not give a breakdown for the EV maker. 'WE DON'T BUY FORD F-150S' In Europe, smaller locally-made U.S. cars have done well: models like the best-selling Ford Puma and the older Fiesta. But over the past two decades, Ford and General Motors GM.N have pivoted towards larger pickups and SUVs, vehicles less suited to Europe's narrow streets and compact-car culture. Ford, a big player in Europe from the early 1900s, has seen sales in the region fall sharply, from 1.26 million vehicles in 2005 to just 426,000 in 2024, according to data from the European Automobile Manufacturers' Association (ACEA). Its market share dropped from 8.3% to 3.3%. 'We don't buy Ford F-150s, that's not what our roads are scaled for, it's not what our customers want,' Andy Palmer, former CEO of Aston Martin, told Reuters. GM exited Europe in 2017, selling Opel after pulling back Chevrolet, but returned with its Cadillac Lyriq last year. It sold a mere 1,514 of the U.S.-made SUV, according to auto data firm Jato. A GM spokesperson said Cadillac was growing its all-electric lineup in Europe, and the vehicles had been well-received in the markets where they were launched. A Ford spokesperson said the firm exported 'passion products' to Europe like the Bronco and Mustang, alongside locally-made models tailored for the market. Clive Sutton, a British car dealer in London who sells luxury American models, said his buyers were drawn to the rarity of vehicles like the giant Cadillac Escalade. But he admitted it was a challenge. 'There are people that want that car because of its exclusivity and its perceived status,' Sutton said. 'But it's not the most easy car to find a parking space for, certainly in central London.' COMPETITIVE MARKET Trump has also put pressure on South Korea to open its market to American cars and said duty-free access was part of the trade deal the two countries agreed last week. There, imported vehicles account for less than one-fifth of the car market and U.S. models for only 16% of the imported car segment, which is dominated by German rivals, according to data from the Korea Automobile Importers & Distributors Association. German manufacturers have also carved out a strong presence in Japan's luxury market. Mercedes-Benz sold more than 53,000 vehicles last year, making it the most popular foreign brand, followed by BMW at more than 35,000. Japanese automakers say Europeans have been successful because they committed the time and resources to the market. Detroit carmakers, meanwhile, are often associated with left-hand drive cars, which are more challenging to drive on the left-hand side of the road. But some U.S. manufacturers are changing. GM has offered the Corvette only in right-hand drive since the eighth generation version went on sale in 2021. That may be one reason why some 80% of buyers are new customers, a GM spokesperson said. The Corvette is the only model Chevy offers in Japan, and it has sold fewer than 1,000 of them a year for the last decade. GM this year announced plans for a line-up of right-hand-drive Cadillac EVs and deliveries of the Lyriq started in July. 'WOW, A FOREIGN CAR' Jeep, which sells right-hand drive models, has been the most popular American brand for more than a decade, the importer data showed. It sold just shy of 10,000 vehicles last year in Japan. Yukimi Nitta used to drive a 'kei' car but she was drawn to the Jeep Wrangler's appearance, which she described as 'friendly' and 'outdoorsy.' The 42-year-old hair salon owner is now on her second Jeep – a limited-edition beige model – and hopes to switch again to another limited-edition color. Parking is tight but manageable, she said, and two of her friends have since bought Wranglers. 'People often say, 'Wow, a foreign car!' But once you drive it, it feels totally normal. I wish more people would try it,' she said. While the Wrangler does burn through fuel quickly, the resale value is good, making it possible to switch out colors, something owners do, Nitta said. A spokesperson for Jeep owner Stellantis said it actively promoted owner events. In July, it announced a collaboration with the 'Jurassic World' movie series featuring a limited-edition pink Wrangler, the spokesperson said. Big American cars and trucks might find it hard to follow in Jeep's tracks. Daniel Cadwell, an American living in Tokyo, exports used Japanese camper vans and wagons to the United States. He said he was struck by the size of American cars whenever he went home. 'They are just excessively big,' said Cadwell, who runs Javan Imports in Portland with his U.S.-based business partner. 'I think it is highly challenging for a car of that sort to be seen as attractive in Japan.'


Yomiuri Shimbun
14 hours ago
- Yomiuri Shimbun
Trump to Put Additional 25% Import Taxes on India, Bringing Combined Tariffs to 50%
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump signed an executive order Wednesday to place an additional 25% tariff on India for its purchases of Russian oil, bringing the combined tariffs imposed by the United States on its ally to 50%. The tariffs would go into effect 21 days after the signing of the order, meaning that both India and Russia might have time to negotiate with the administration on the import taxes. Trump's moves could scramble the economic trajectory of India, which until recently was seen as an alternative to China by American companies looking to relocate their manufacturing. China also buys oil from Russia, but it was not included in the order signed by the Republican president. As part of a negotiating period with Beijing, Trump has placed 30% tariffs on goods from China, a rate that is smaller than the combined import taxes with which he has threatened New Delhi. Trump had previewed for reporters Tuesday that the tariffs would be coming. During an event in the Oval Office Wednesday with Apple CEO Tim Cook, Trump affirmed the 50% tariff number, not giving a specific answers as to whether additional tariffs on India would be dropped if there were a deal between Russia and Ukraine. 'We'll determine that later,' Trump said. 'But right now they're paying a 50% tariff.' The White House said Wednesday that Trump could meet in person with Russian President Vladimir Putin as soon as next week as he seeks to broker an end to the war. The Indian government on Wednesday called the additional tariffs 'unfortunate.' 'We reiterate that these actions are unfair, unjustified and unreasonable,' Foreign Ministry spokesman Randhir Jaiswal said in a statement, adding that India would take all actions necessary to protect its interests. Jaiswal said India has already made its stand clear that the country's imports were based on market factors and were part of an overall objective of ensuring energy security for its 1.4 billion people. Ajay Srivastava, a former Indian trade official, said the latest tariff places the country among the most heavily taxed U.S. trading partners and far above rivals such as China, Vietnam and Bangladesh. 'The tariffs are expected to make Indian goods far costlier with the potential to cut exports by around 40%-50% to the U.S.,' he said. Srivastava said Trump's decision was 'hypocritical' because China bought more Russian oil than India did last year. 'Washington avoids targeting Beijing because of China's leverage over critical minerals which are vital for U.S. defense and technology,' he said. In 2024, the U.S. ran a $45.8 billion trade deficit in goods with India, meaning America imported more from India than it exported, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. American consumers and businesses buy pharmaceutical drugs, precious stones and textiles and apparel from India, among other goods. As the world's largest country, India represented a way for the U.S. to counter China's influence in Asia. But India has not supported the Ukraine-related sanctions by the U.S. and its allies on Moscow even as India's leaders have maintained that they want peace. The U.S. and China are currently in negotiations on trade, with Washington imposing a 30% tariff on Chinese goods and facing a 10% retaliatory tax from Beijing on American products. The planned tariffs on India contradict past efforts by the Biden administration and other nations in the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations that encouraged India to buy cheap Russian oil through a price cap imposed in 2022. The nations collectively capped Russian oil a $60 per barrel at a time when prices in the market were meaningfully higher. The intent was to deprive the Kremlin of revenue to fund its war in Ukraine, forcing the Russian government either to sell its oil at a discount or divert money for a costly alternative shipping network. The price cap was rolled out to equal parts skepticism and hopefulness that the policy would stave off Putin's invasion of Ukraine. The cap has required shipping and insurance companies to refuse to handle oil shipments above the cap, though Russia has been able to evade the cap by shipping oil on a 'shadow fleet' of old vessels using insurers and trading companies located in countries that are not enforcing sanctions.