14 pilot schemes currently being evaluated for the biggest overhaul of the school bus programme ever
Co-ordinated school opening times, a more flexible school bus fleet, sustainable transport alternatives and better integration of public transport with the school bus service are being considered.
The pilot projects were conducted nationwide over the 2024/25 school year and were aimed at testing measures to enable the scheme to be expanded to add an extra 100,000 children by 2030.
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RTÉ News
2 hours ago
- RTÉ News
Just what can the President of Ireland actually say and do?
Analysis: while there are significant restrictions on what the President can do, the Constitution places few limitations on what they might say The President of Ireland is the Head of State, not the Head of Government. Under the Constitution, the office-holder has a relatively modest range of functions to begin with. Moreover, according to Article 13.9, these powers and functions "shall be exercisable and performable by him only on the advice of the Government". In simple terms, the President must, for the most part, do what he or she is told. Indeed, Article 12.9 provides that the President may not even leave the State without the Government's permission. Many of the President's functions are automatic in nature. For example, the President appoints the Taoiseach, Government Ministers, and judges to office. But the Constitution compels the President to simply rubber-stamp the nominee put forward. The same applies to accepting the resignation of Ministers, or acceding to requests for the dissolution of the Dáil (provided the Taoiseach requesting the dissolution has the support of a majority - see below). Bills must be signed by the President before they become law, but the president does not have a veto. Subject to some exceptions, Article 25 provides that Bills must be signed by the President between five and seven days after being passed, while constitutional amendments must be signed "forthwith". If a President were to refuse to sign a Bill as a protest against its contents, the function would be performed by a Presidential Commission under Article 14; and the President would potentially face impeachment proceedings under Article 12. Other functions are purely titular or ceremonial. The President is named the Supreme Commander of the Defence Forces, but enjoys no actual power over defence policy or military affairs (clearly matters for Government to decide on). Similarly, the President has the right of pardon and the power to commute sentences, but only on the advice of the Government; this power has only been exercised on five occasions (1940, 1943, 1992, 2015 and 2018). Under Article 13.2, the President may, following consultation with Council of State, convene a meeting of either or both Houses of the Oireachtas. However, any message that the President wishes to communicate with the Oireachtas – whether at such a meeting or otherwise – must have received the approval of the Government (Article 13.7.3). The same applies to messages addressed to the Nation on matters of national or public importance. From RTÉ News, President Michael D Higgins says Ireland is 'playing with fire' over neutrality There are four functions in which the President has absolute discretion. First, before signing a Bill into law, the President may – following consultation with the Council of State – refer the Bill to the Supreme Court to test its constitutionality. This power has been exercised 15 times in total (most recently in 2005); eight of the referred Bills were found unconstitutional. Second, where the Taoiseach has ceased to retain the support of a majority in the Dáil, the President has the discretion to refuse to dissolve the Dáil (so as to encourage the parties to try again to form a Government). This power has never been exercised, although there was much speculation that it might be exercised during the drawn-out coalition negotiation following the 2016 General Election. In the event, Enda Kenny never made a request that might be refused. The only other occasion of note was 1987: as revealed in Garret Fitzgerald's memoirs, President Hillery indicated that he would refuse a dissolution if one was requested. In the event, Fianna Fáil secured support for Charles Haughey and the issue never arose. The ideal President would be visible in office and represent widely-held values, while remaining aloof from party politics and steering clear of the role of government The other discretionary matters are the nomination of members to the Council of State, which advises the President on the exercise of certain functions, and a procedure under Article 27 which allows Bills to be referred to a referendum prior to being signed into law. The latter can only arise in highly specific circumstances: i.e. the Seanad fails to pass a Bill, which is then passed by Dáil resolution after 180 days, following which a majority of the members of Seanad Éireann and not less than one-third of the members of Dáil Éireann present a petition to the President. Unsurprisingly, these circumstances have never arisen to date. Undoubtedly, then, there are significant restrictions on what the President can do. At the same time, and contrary to popular opinion, the Constitution places very few restrictions on what the President might say. It is a common feature of the Irish political scene for Presidents to be criticised for allegedly stepping outside their constitutional domain almost every time they express an opinion that touches on some aspect of economic or social policy. However, the only formal restrictions are in Article 13.7; namely, where the President makes a formal address to either the Oireachtas or the Nation on a matter of national importance, the address must first be approved by the Government. From RTÉ's Doc On One, Making Of A President profiles the former President Mary Robinson and her election campaign in 1990 The leading text on Irish constitutional law observes that beyond the above, the law does not impose total silence on the President; and, moreover, that the President must be free to respond to criticisms of the manner in which he or she has exercised the powers and functions of the office. A similar point was previously made by the late Robert Elgie. On the question of what is proper or seemly for the President to say, there is room for reasonable disagreement, and no hard and fast rules to guide us. Few would dispute that Presidents should avoid coming into direct conflict with the Government or favouring one political party over another. On the question of what is proper or seemly for the President to say, there is room for reasonable disagreement, and no hard and fast rules to guide us But there is no such thing as complete neutrality: anyone who stands for President will stand for something, and will have expressed this during their election campaign. How else can people decide which candidate to vote for? And why should the President abandon these views having been elected on the back of them? Whoever is elected President, he or she is not going to have the power to shape how we make our laws or spend our public monies. However, he or she will have some latitude to speak out on issues of importance, provided those speeches avoid conflicting with Government policy. A President can highlight causes and inspire people, like Mary Robinson, or build bridges and mend fences, like Mary McAleese. The ideal President would be visible in office and represent widely-held values, while remaining aloof from party politics and steering clear of the role of Government.
Irish Independent
3 hours ago
- Irish Independent
Protesters call on Central Bank in Dublin not to renew Israel bonds
Around 100 demonstrators gathered outside the Central Bank in Dublin on Tuesday to demand an end to the authority's role in approving Israel bonds for sale in the EU, for the Government to include services in the Occupied Territories Bill and to pass that legislation. The bank is the designated authority in relation to the sale of Israel bonds in the EU, and has determined the securities meet the standards of the bloc's prospectus regulations. Israel bonds have been advertised as supporting the country's economy and, more recently, websites promoting the securities emphasise their role in supporting Israel's military operations in Gaza. Protesters and opposition parties have called for legislation that would give Ireland the power to refuse the sale of Israeli "war bonds" over human rights concerns. They say the bonds are intended to fund the war in Gaza, while Ireland has an obligation under the Genocide Convention to use all means likely to have a deterrent effect on those suspected of preparing genocide. The Central Bank has said regulations require it to approve prospectuses that meet standards of completeness, consistency and comprehensibility. The Israel bond prospectus is up for renewal on September 2. The Joint Committee on Finance has recommended that the bank carry out an immediate review before renewing approval of the bonds. Meanwhile, Social Democrats TD Gary Gannon has launched legal proceedings against the Central Bank over claims that investors in Israeli bonds could be legally complicit in genocide in Gaza. It is alleged that the Central Bank's failure to ban the marketing, distribution and sale of Israel bonds exposes investors to risks that have not been disclosed to them. Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign chairwoman Zoe Lawlor said: "The government has to end the direct involvement of the Central Bank in apartheid Israel's sale of genocide-funding bonds. "The Central Bank is an organ of this state, and its complicity in genocide makes Ireland complicit." David Landy of Jews for Palestine, and Academics for Palestine said: "We are asking the Central Bank to do the absolute minimum required of it under law - to end the sale of Israeli war Bonds, to finally end this direct Irish participation in Israeli genocide." Sinn Fein's foreign affairs spokesman said the Irish government "must use every lever at its disposal" to show leadership on Gaza. Donnchadh O Laoghaire said: "Clearly ending the facilitation of Israeli war bonds is one of those."
The Irish Sun
7 hours ago
- The Irish Sun
‘Most schools will shut down' fear as thousands of staff to STRIKE amid back-to-school chaos warning for Irish parents
'Parents need to make alternative arrangements with regards to their children for the day of the strike' STRIKE ISSUE 'Most schools will shut down' fear as thousands of staff to STRIKE amid back-to-school chaos warning for Irish parents SCHOOLS across the country are set to be disrupted when they reopen after the summer holiday as secretaries and caretakers go out on strike. Many may not open as teachers refuse to cross the picket line. 2 Minister for Education Helen McEntee has been called on to intervene Credit: PA/Brian Lawless 2 Classrooms across Ireland could be empty if teachers refuse to cross the picket line Credit: Getty Images - Getty The strike will take place on Friday, August 29 and they are set to march on the Dail the day before. The dispute has been rumbling all year and there is no sign of it being resolved. The action is part of a campaign calling on the Government to address the lack of pension for almost 2,300 secretaries and 500 caretakers who face retirement with no guaranteed State income. The secretaries and caretakers are seeking parity with their counterparts in terms of pensions, conditions and working contracts. Yesterday, the Labour Fiance Spokesperson Ged Nash TD demanded the Government intervene and start treating school secretaries and caretakers with respect. Deputy Nash said: 'We need to ensure that our school secretaries and caretakers – members of Forsa trade union – are provided with the same entitlement to decent pensions and other benefits enjoyed by every other staff member at the schools they are central to running and managing. 'The campaign to secure fairer terms and conditions for workers in these critical roles who have been taken for granted by the Department of Education, and has been neglected and ignored for too long. 'The frustration over the failure of this and the previous government to, for example, take the next logical step and ensure school secretaries and caretakers employed by Boards of Management are treated like the public servants they are and enjoy access to the public sector pension scheme is being resisted at every turn by the government. 'The frustration among the school administrators with whom I liaise regularly is palpable." Deputy Nash said these are the very last people who want to be going on strike. He called on the Minister for Education Helen McEntee to make a meaningful intervention and sort the issue out. One life long caretaker said: "We are the last people to go on strike - we keep the schools ticking over - but we have been left with no choice. "Parents need to make alternative arrangements with regards to their children for the day of the strike. Most schools will shut down." FAIRNESS 'AT STAKE' Fórsa national secretary Andy Pike told the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Education and Youth that the strike action has been backed by 98 per cent of Forsa's school secretary and caretaker members in a recent ballot. He said: 'What's at stake is fairness. "It's about the school secretary or caretaker who, after 40 years of service, retires with nothing while their school colleagues leave with a secure pension. "It's about a worker diagnosed with cancer being denied the basic sick pay protections afforded to every other school staff member." Pike added that there is no justifiable objective reason for their exclusion.
