No tuning out as influencers reshape political campaign
Young people are turning to social media influencers and commentators to get their news, with politicians warned to either adapt or face irrelevancy.
The federal Liberals largely ignored influencers and it stopped them from reaching a large cohort of female voters, Cheek Media CEO and host of the Big Small Talk podcast Hannah Ferguson said.
Ms Ferguson, whose channel reached four million individuals during the election campaign, said media giant News Corp had weaponised the word 'influencer' to target progressive young women as part of a culture war.
"The agenda is clear - to undermine our intelligence, to paint us as untrustworthy, and to conflate us with green juice and a discount code," she told the National Press Club on Wednesday.
"There is nothing wrong with being an influencer, but the label is intended to cause significant reputational damage. The impact is deeply misogynistic."
Large media corporations "want to invalidate and undermine a group of powerful young women who developed the ability to communicate with audiences in a way that traditional media can't", she said.
Painting every female podcaster with the same brush, depicting them as "friendly, unserious and surface level", sought to delegitimise what they were doing, she added.
While Prime Minister Anthony Albanese used podcast appearances to humanise himself, former opposition leader Peter Dutton had refused to engage, particularly with platforms run by women, she said.
"(It) was one small, yet huge, decision in a series of reckless refusals to attempt to communicate with the voter base that would eventually end his political career," she said.
People paid for endorsements on social media needed to ensure this was made abundantly clear in all their posts, she said, adding she had turned down political parties offering payments.
Ms Ferguson intends to run as an independent for a Senate spot in 2028.
Influencers were invited to the federal budget lockup at Parliament House for the first time in 2025.
This helped the government get its message out to people who otherwise wouldn't have paid attention, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher said.
"It's really clear that new media are going to feature in politics ... and they have a legitimate place at the table."
Ms Ferguson agreed, adding her audience was less concerned about the gritty details of a budget that traditional media would focus on and wanted to know what was in it for them in a digestible way they understood.
Young people are turning to social media influencers and commentators to get their news, with politicians warned to either adapt or face irrelevancy.
The federal Liberals largely ignored influencers and it stopped them from reaching a large cohort of female voters, Cheek Media CEO and host of the Big Small Talk podcast Hannah Ferguson said.
Ms Ferguson, whose channel reached four million individuals during the election campaign, said media giant News Corp had weaponised the word 'influencer' to target progressive young women as part of a culture war.
"The agenda is clear - to undermine our intelligence, to paint us as untrustworthy, and to conflate us with green juice and a discount code," she told the National Press Club on Wednesday.
"There is nothing wrong with being an influencer, but the label is intended to cause significant reputational damage. The impact is deeply misogynistic."
Large media corporations "want to invalidate and undermine a group of powerful young women who developed the ability to communicate with audiences in a way that traditional media can't", she said.
Painting every female podcaster with the same brush, depicting them as "friendly, unserious and surface level", sought to delegitimise what they were doing, she added.
While Prime Minister Anthony Albanese used podcast appearances to humanise himself, former opposition leader Peter Dutton had refused to engage, particularly with platforms run by women, she said.
"(It) was one small, yet huge, decision in a series of reckless refusals to attempt to communicate with the voter base that would eventually end his political career," she said.
People paid for endorsements on social media needed to ensure this was made abundantly clear in all their posts, she said, adding she had turned down political parties offering payments.
Ms Ferguson intends to run as an independent for a Senate spot in 2028.
Influencers were invited to the federal budget lockup at Parliament House for the first time in 2025.
This helped the government get its message out to people who otherwise wouldn't have paid attention, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher said.
"It's really clear that new media are going to feature in politics ... and they have a legitimate place at the table."
Ms Ferguson agreed, adding her audience was less concerned about the gritty details of a budget that traditional media would focus on and wanted to know what was in it for them in a digestible way they understood.
Young people are turning to social media influencers and commentators to get their news, with politicians warned to either adapt or face irrelevancy.
The federal Liberals largely ignored influencers and it stopped them from reaching a large cohort of female voters, Cheek Media CEO and host of the Big Small Talk podcast Hannah Ferguson said.
Ms Ferguson, whose channel reached four million individuals during the election campaign, said media giant News Corp had weaponised the word 'influencer' to target progressive young women as part of a culture war.
"The agenda is clear - to undermine our intelligence, to paint us as untrustworthy, and to conflate us with green juice and a discount code," she told the National Press Club on Wednesday.
"There is nothing wrong with being an influencer, but the label is intended to cause significant reputational damage. The impact is deeply misogynistic."
Large media corporations "want to invalidate and undermine a group of powerful young women who developed the ability to communicate with audiences in a way that traditional media can't", she said.
Painting every female podcaster with the same brush, depicting them as "friendly, unserious and surface level", sought to delegitimise what they were doing, she added.
While Prime Minister Anthony Albanese used podcast appearances to humanise himself, former opposition leader Peter Dutton had refused to engage, particularly with platforms run by women, she said.
"(It) was one small, yet huge, decision in a series of reckless refusals to attempt to communicate with the voter base that would eventually end his political career," she said.
People paid for endorsements on social media needed to ensure this was made abundantly clear in all their posts, she said, adding she had turned down political parties offering payments.
Ms Ferguson intends to run as an independent for a Senate spot in 2028.
Influencers were invited to the federal budget lockup at Parliament House for the first time in 2025.
This helped the government get its message out to people who otherwise wouldn't have paid attention, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher said.
"It's really clear that new media are going to feature in politics ... and they have a legitimate place at the table."
Ms Ferguson agreed, adding her audience was less concerned about the gritty details of a budget that traditional media would focus on and wanted to know what was in it for them in a digestible way they understood.
Young people are turning to social media influencers and commentators to get their news, with politicians warned to either adapt or face irrelevancy.
The federal Liberals largely ignored influencers and it stopped them from reaching a large cohort of female voters, Cheek Media CEO and host of the Big Small Talk podcast Hannah Ferguson said.
Ms Ferguson, whose channel reached four million individuals during the election campaign, said media giant News Corp had weaponised the word 'influencer' to target progressive young women as part of a culture war.
"The agenda is clear - to undermine our intelligence, to paint us as untrustworthy, and to conflate us with green juice and a discount code," she told the National Press Club on Wednesday.
"There is nothing wrong with being an influencer, but the label is intended to cause significant reputational damage. The impact is deeply misogynistic."
Large media corporations "want to invalidate and undermine a group of powerful young women who developed the ability to communicate with audiences in a way that traditional media can't", she said.
Painting every female podcaster with the same brush, depicting them as "friendly, unserious and surface level", sought to delegitimise what they were doing, she added.
While Prime Minister Anthony Albanese used podcast appearances to humanise himself, former opposition leader Peter Dutton had refused to engage, particularly with platforms run by women, she said.
"(It) was one small, yet huge, decision in a series of reckless refusals to attempt to communicate with the voter base that would eventually end his political career," she said.
People paid for endorsements on social media needed to ensure this was made abundantly clear in all their posts, she said, adding she had turned down political parties offering payments.
Ms Ferguson intends to run as an independent for a Senate spot in 2028.
Influencers were invited to the federal budget lockup at Parliament House for the first time in 2025.
This helped the government get its message out to people who otherwise wouldn't have paid attention, Finance Minister Katy Gallagher said.
"It's really clear that new media are going to feature in politics ... and they have a legitimate place at the table."
Ms Ferguson agreed, adding her audience was less concerned about the gritty details of a budget that traditional media would focus on and wanted to know what was in it for them in a digestible way they understood.
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Calls grow for besieged Tasmanian Premier to resign after no-confidence loss, despite Jeremy Rockliff ruling out privatising state-owned assets
Tasmania's political quagmire has continued to escalate days after a no-confidence vote shockingly passed the house, with mining and business bodies joining Independent MPs in calling for Premier Jeremy Rockliff to be dumped as Liberal leader. A vote of no-confidence passed the house by the slimmest of margins on Thursday, with Labor speaker Michelle O'Byrne casting the deciding ballot after stating she could not vote in favour of a Liberal government. Tasmanians will now have to wait until next week to find out when they will return to the polls for the second time in as little as 14 months, with Mr Rockliff to visit the state Governor on Tuesday. Both houses of Parliament will also convene on Tuesday to pass emergency budget supply bills to ensure the state can sufficiently pay its debts between the end of financial year and the conclusion of the election, with the poll to then be called immediately after. However, Independent MP Craig Garland insisted for Mr Rockliff to step aside ahead of the contest and allow the Liberal Party to select a new leader. 'To do otherwise would be to drag the government down and show Tasmanians the arrogance and ignorance that led to the loss of confidence in the Premier in the first place,' he said on Friday. 'If the Liberals are unwilling to form government, I call on the Labor Party to put aside politics for the best interests of Tasmania, and work with myself, and other non-government members to make this parliament work again,' he said, despite Opposition Leader Dean Winter vehemently ruling out a Coalition with the Greens. 'If the major parties aren't willing to compromise, it shows that Tasmanians must look at Independents and minor parties who have demonstrated they can make minority government work'. Small Business Council of Tasmania CEO Robert Mallett also came out swinging against Mr Rockliff on Saturday and said that despite being a 'very good Premier', he was puzzled as to why he had not yet tendered his resignation. 'Personally, I'm very disappointed for Jeremy because I know he's put his heart and soul into trying to get it right, but at the end of the day, again, for the state, we would be better off with a new leader,' he said. 'He could have stepped down as Premier and the Parliamentary Liberal Party could have chosen another Premier'. Mr Mallet, whose body represents over 42,000 small businesses said the ongoing political instability was untenable and that there were 'some very experienced parliamentarians in the party' who could serve as Liberal leader. CEO of the Tasmanian Minerals, Manufacturing and Energy Council Ray Mostogl also reiterated that elections damaged confidence in the private sector and that the poll would further delay a crucial ruling on the Marinus Link, and several other pending business decisions. 'Jeremy is a remarkable person and I think that's a view that's held by many people of all colours in politics, so this is not personal he's a great guy,' he said. 'The point is they've been voted in, there's policies that they've had election promises that they made and we need to let that run its course." Mr Rockliff has remained defiant in his bid to lead the Liberals to the winter poll and on Saturday announced there would be no sale of state-owned companies if he won the election, of which was a key reason the no-confidence motion was advanced by Labor. "There will be no privatisation under the Tasmanian Liberal government," Mr Rockliff said in a statement, assuring the plan had been abandoned for good. 'There will be no asset sales under the Tasmanian Liberal Government,' he said. 'Labor has forced this early election on the deceitful campaign that our government intends to divest government-owned businesses – before Mr Eslake's work is even completed'. The government had commissioned independent economist Saul Eslake to determine which state owned assets could potentially be sold off, yet a number of critical enterprises including Port Arthur, Hydro Tasmania, the Spirit of Tasmania operator TT-Line and TasRacing were explicitly ruled out.
ABC News
7 hours ago
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A feeling of calm before the storm descends on Tasmanian politics following motion of no-confidence in Jeremy Rockliff
After a wild few days in the crazy world that is Tasmanian politics, Friday felt eerily quiet. For some, it was a reprieve, a day to breathe and reflect on what had just happened and what might happen next. For others, it was more like the kind of silence before a jump scare. If the past few days were a horror movie with the final act being the toppling of the state's leader, then the weekend is a thriller. An uncomfortable wait in suspense with the knowledge that something unknown is just around the corner. But there are so many scenarios that can play out. What Tasmanians know is that by the end of next week something will have changed in the state's political landscape. The Liberals will still be in charge but with a different leader at the helm — someone like Eric Abetz or Michael Ferguson. Or the world will have turned upside down and Labor Leader Dean Winter would have figured out a way to govern with just 10 MPs, leaning on the support of the crossbench and the Greens. The last option is we're in election mode for the second time within 18 months. Tuesday is D-Day. If things are still at status quo and the supply bills — necessary for public servants to continue to be paid — pass, then Jeremy Rockliff will take a trip to see the Governor. The Governor will consider all of the above options. At this stage, it appears most politicians are resigned to an election being called. But three days is a long time in Tasmanian politics, and a lot can happen. For example, the Liberals — whose war chests are no doubt unprepared for an election or who are worried about losing their seats — could roll Mr Rockliff. Labor, and some members of the crossbench, say that should happen, or Mr Rockliff should fall on his sword and resign. Even fellow Liberal Senator Jonathon Duniam suggested as much on Friday morning. But how likely is that to happen? It is understood some, like Mr Abetz, have already done the numbers and come up short. 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Nice doesn't pay off the almost $11 billion in debt that Tasmania is expected to rack up in four years' time and it hasn't helped build the berth for the new Spirit of Tasmania ships on time. Then there's the stadium cap. It is unlikely that the average Tasmanian heard "$375 million" — on capital when it was mentioned — "and not a red cent more" and realised it included hundreds of millions of dollars in borrowings. It might not technically be able to be called a broken promise yet, but, for the general public it's the vibe of the thing and the vibe is off. Not to mention Mr Rockliff's plans to cut the public service and sell off public assets were decidedly controversial. There are many valid reasons that Labor and the crossbench had when they spoke about why they were supporting the motion of no-confidence in Mr Rockliff. And that should not be forgotten. But that niceness, and loyalty, means fellow Liberals have decided that they'll back Mr Rockliff's leadership to the hilt. Even if it means an early election. The other aspect is that the party seems to believe that Mr Rockliff leaving won't be the fix. There is a view that Labor and the crossbench will eventually come after whoever is next. If Tasmanians do head to the polls, some of it is because Labor won't explore the third option: forming a minority government. Greens Leader Rosalie Woodruff was out on Friday, once again offering Mr Winter a quick path to the premiership, or at the very least a conversation. But Mr Winter can't say it enough (apparently) that there is no world in which he leans on the Greens for any kind of support. While Dr Woodruff may argue that the parties' values are more aligned, Mr Winter sees the Greens as toxic for Labor. So if Labor doesn't want to govern, why did it raise the no-confidence motion? Some have suggested (tablespoon of salt because it's mostly Liberals) that Mr Winter simply wanted to knock off a more popular opponent. 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The Advertiser
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The community independent movement did not begin in Sydney or Melbourne, but in the bush. It was in the rural Victorian seat of Indi, encompassing Wodonga and Wangaratta, that independent Cathy McGowan was drafted by community group Voices of Indi. In 2013, McGowan delivered the Liberal Party its only loss when she won the formerly safe seat from Sophie Mirabella. The subsequent success of inner city "teals" - community independents like Zali Steggall, Monique Ryan and Kate Chaney - is evidence that Liberal neglect of classical-liberal and metropolitan voters has come back to haunt them. But soul searching is due in the bush as well, particularly among Nationals. So far, they have been criticised for unforced errors (like quitting the Liberal-National Coalition only to rejoin it days later) rather than structural weaknesses, like their preference of mining interests over agricultural ones and their inability to win back seats lost since the 1990s. 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There is a perception that the junior National Party has been the tail wagging the dog, with the Liberals taking up the obsessions of National MPs - in particular nuclear energy. And while Coalition Governments dutifully "pork-barrelled" public money for safe regional seats, they neglected apparently safe urban seats held by Liberals. This helps explain why Liberals now hold mostly regional and rural seats, and barely exists in the inner-city. But big spending programs disguise how country interests have become diluted. Being in Coalition with the Liberal Party has weakened the ability of the National Party to advocate forcefully for the interests of those in regional and rural Australia. Famously, former National leader Michael McCormack could not name one time the Nationals had taken the side of farmers over that of miners. Similarly, in the last Coalition government, Nationals spruiked and voted for Scott Morrison's original stage three tax cuts - even though Nationals electorates had the least to gain. When the Albanese Labor government reformed stage three, the biggest winners were Australians living in Nationals seats. Regional and rural areas would benefit from increased public spending on education, health, public transport and infrastructure; all of which are harder to fund after the tax cuts eagerly pursued by Liberal-National governments. They are most at risk from climate change, and bear the brunt of disasters amplified by a warming earth. Independents like Cathy McGowan, Rob Oakeshott and Tony Windsor have recognised this, as have those running in more recent elections like Helen Haines. It is true that the Nationals still hold about as many lower house seats today as they did at the height of the Howard Coalition Government, and many are still nominally safe seats. But in recent elections, both Liberal and Labor Party MPs have learned the hard way that there is no such thing as a safe seat against the right challenger. Australia Institute research shows Australians are unique among Western democracies in their willingness to elect independents. Regional challengers to the major parties will not be cut from the same cloth as community independents in the cities, the so-called "teals". Regional and rural Australians have responded to somewhat different arguments, from somewhat different candidates. We could call these candidates "tans" - from the colour of their pants, and because it is "Nat" in reverse. Of course, none of this is predestined - nor was the Liberal Party doomed to veer to the right and leave behind moderate and classically liberal voters. These are the result of choices made by voters, by party rank-and-file and by elected representatives. A couple of weeks ago, the Nationals made a choice - to quit the Coalition - which suggested a willingness to rethink the old saws. Unfortunately, the reason was not to give the Nationals freedom to consider new ways of representing the country, but to allow them to hold onto failed policies like nuclear power. These policies failed to resonate with voters. And the united front of Liberals and Nationals held back rural candidates. Mia Davies, former leader of the WA Nationals (a more independently minded branch than those in NSW or Victoria) and a candidate in the federal election, thought her job was made harder by the opposition of Liberal shadow ministers to Labor's resources production tax credit scheme. READ MORE: What Angus Taylor called "billions for billionaires", Davies called "good policy". But Davies was a rare Coalition candidate who went against the party line. The effect is a decimated Liberal-National Coalition. And while it is mostly the Liberals who have lost seats, the Nationals have re-attached to the Coalition, which means their future relevance depends on the Liberals recovering 30-odd seats, and the Nationals winning a couple themselves off Labor - something the Nationals haven't managed to do since 2013. Once, National candidates could promise their electorate a voice in the government. With that looking a long way away, it is now independent and minor party candidates who can promise relevance: starting national debates, probing the government in question time and perhaps being at the heart of negotiations in the event of a future power-sharing Parliament. If the Nats are not interested in serving the interests of those in rural and regional Australia, they will find no shortage of "tans" willing to throw their Akubras in the ring. The community independent movement did not begin in Sydney or Melbourne, but in the bush. It was in the rural Victorian seat of Indi, encompassing Wodonga and Wangaratta, that independent Cathy McGowan was drafted by community group Voices of Indi. In 2013, McGowan delivered the Liberal Party its only loss when she won the formerly safe seat from Sophie Mirabella. The subsequent success of inner city "teals" - community independents like Zali Steggall, Monique Ryan and Kate Chaney - is evidence that Liberal neglect of classical-liberal and metropolitan voters has come back to haunt them. But soul searching is due in the bush as well, particularly among Nationals. So far, they have been criticised for unforced errors (like quitting the Liberal-National Coalition only to rejoin it days later) rather than structural weaknesses, like their preference of mining interests over agricultural ones and their inability to win back seats lost since the 1990s. Conditions are ripe for the Nationals to face challenges from independents on the same scale as those already faced by the Liberals. And while Indi's "Voices of" model of community organising and drafting candidates was an innovation, the country has long been friendly to independents. Father of the House of Representatives Bob Katter is a rural independent, as were Tony Windsor and Rob Oakeshott, who negotiated minority government with Julia Gillard in 2010. Windsor and Oakeshott sat in the NSW Parliament before the jump to Commonwealth politics, and today the NSW crossbench boasts 10 independent MPs, mostly from regional and rural parts of the state. Many independent-held NSW seats overlap with federal seats held by Nationals (like Riverina and Parkes) or regional Liberals (like Farrer and Hume). And at the last two federal elections, independent candidates have turned National and Liberal-National seats like Cowper and Groom marginal. There is a perception that the junior National Party has been the tail wagging the dog, with the Liberals taking up the obsessions of National MPs - in particular nuclear energy. And while Coalition Governments dutifully "pork-barrelled" public money for safe regional seats, they neglected apparently safe urban seats held by Liberals. This helps explain why Liberals now hold mostly regional and rural seats, and barely exists in the inner-city. But big spending programs disguise how country interests have become diluted. Being in Coalition with the Liberal Party has weakened the ability of the National Party to advocate forcefully for the interests of those in regional and rural Australia. Famously, former National leader Michael McCormack could not name one time the Nationals had taken the side of farmers over that of miners. Similarly, in the last Coalition government, Nationals spruiked and voted for Scott Morrison's original stage three tax cuts - even though Nationals electorates had the least to gain. When the Albanese Labor government reformed stage three, the biggest winners were Australians living in Nationals seats. Regional and rural areas would benefit from increased public spending on education, health, public transport and infrastructure; all of which are harder to fund after the tax cuts eagerly pursued by Liberal-National governments. They are most at risk from climate change, and bear the brunt of disasters amplified by a warming earth. Independents like Cathy McGowan, Rob Oakeshott and Tony Windsor have recognised this, as have those running in more recent elections like Helen Haines. It is true that the Nationals still hold about as many lower house seats today as they did at the height of the Howard Coalition Government, and many are still nominally safe seats. But in recent elections, both Liberal and Labor Party MPs have learned the hard way that there is no such thing as a safe seat against the right challenger. Australia Institute research shows Australians are unique among Western democracies in their willingness to elect independents. Regional challengers to the major parties will not be cut from the same cloth as community independents in the cities, the so-called "teals". Regional and rural Australians have responded to somewhat different arguments, from somewhat different candidates. We could call these candidates "tans" - from the colour of their pants, and because it is "Nat" in reverse. Of course, none of this is predestined - nor was the Liberal Party doomed to veer to the right and leave behind moderate and classically liberal voters. These are the result of choices made by voters, by party rank-and-file and by elected representatives. A couple of weeks ago, the Nationals made a choice - to quit the Coalition - which suggested a willingness to rethink the old saws. Unfortunately, the reason was not to give the Nationals freedom to consider new ways of representing the country, but to allow them to hold onto failed policies like nuclear power. These policies failed to resonate with voters. And the united front of Liberals and Nationals held back rural candidates. Mia Davies, former leader of the WA Nationals (a more independently minded branch than those in NSW or Victoria) and a candidate in the federal election, thought her job was made harder by the opposition of Liberal shadow ministers to Labor's resources production tax credit scheme. READ MORE: What Angus Taylor called "billions for billionaires", Davies called "good policy". But Davies was a rare Coalition candidate who went against the party line. The effect is a decimated Liberal-National Coalition. And while it is mostly the Liberals who have lost seats, the Nationals have re-attached to the Coalition, which means their future relevance depends on the Liberals recovering 30-odd seats, and the Nationals winning a couple themselves off Labor - something the Nationals haven't managed to do since 2013. Once, National candidates could promise their electorate a voice in the government. With that looking a long way away, it is now independent and minor party candidates who can promise relevance: starting national debates, probing the government in question time and perhaps being at the heart of negotiations in the event of a future power-sharing Parliament. If the Nats are not interested in serving the interests of those in rural and regional Australia, they will find no shortage of "tans" willing to throw their Akubras in the ring. The community independent movement did not begin in Sydney or Melbourne, but in the bush. It was in the rural Victorian seat of Indi, encompassing Wodonga and Wangaratta, that independent Cathy McGowan was drafted by community group Voices of Indi. In 2013, McGowan delivered the Liberal Party its only loss when she won the formerly safe seat from Sophie Mirabella. The subsequent success of inner city "teals" - community independents like Zali Steggall, Monique Ryan and Kate Chaney - is evidence that Liberal neglect of classical-liberal and metropolitan voters has come back to haunt them. But soul searching is due in the bush as well, particularly among Nationals. So far, they have been criticised for unforced errors (like quitting the Liberal-National Coalition only to rejoin it days later) rather than structural weaknesses, like their preference of mining interests over agricultural ones and their inability to win back seats lost since the 1990s. Conditions are ripe for the Nationals to face challenges from independents on the same scale as those already faced by the Liberals. And while Indi's "Voices of" model of community organising and drafting candidates was an innovation, the country has long been friendly to independents. Father of the House of Representatives Bob Katter is a rural independent, as were Tony Windsor and Rob Oakeshott, who negotiated minority government with Julia Gillard in 2010. Windsor and Oakeshott sat in the NSW Parliament before the jump to Commonwealth politics, and today the NSW crossbench boasts 10 independent MPs, mostly from regional and rural parts of the state. Many independent-held NSW seats overlap with federal seats held by Nationals (like Riverina and Parkes) or regional Liberals (like Farrer and Hume). And at the last two federal elections, independent candidates have turned National and Liberal-National seats like Cowper and Groom marginal. There is a perception that the junior National Party has been the tail wagging the dog, with the Liberals taking up the obsessions of National MPs - in particular nuclear energy. And while Coalition Governments dutifully "pork-barrelled" public money for safe regional seats, they neglected apparently safe urban seats held by Liberals. This helps explain why Liberals now hold mostly regional and rural seats, and barely exists in the inner-city. But big spending programs disguise how country interests have become diluted. Being in Coalition with the Liberal Party has weakened the ability of the National Party to advocate forcefully for the interests of those in regional and rural Australia. Famously, former National leader Michael McCormack could not name one time the Nationals had taken the side of farmers over that of miners. Similarly, in the last Coalition government, Nationals spruiked and voted for Scott Morrison's original stage three tax cuts - even though Nationals electorates had the least to gain. When the Albanese Labor government reformed stage three, the biggest winners were Australians living in Nationals seats. Regional and rural areas would benefit from increased public spending on education, health, public transport and infrastructure; all of which are harder to fund after the tax cuts eagerly pursued by Liberal-National governments. They are most at risk from climate change, and bear the brunt of disasters amplified by a warming earth. Independents like Cathy McGowan, Rob Oakeshott and Tony Windsor have recognised this, as have those running in more recent elections like Helen Haines. It is true that the Nationals still hold about as many lower house seats today as they did at the height of the Howard Coalition Government, and many are still nominally safe seats. But in recent elections, both Liberal and Labor Party MPs have learned the hard way that there is no such thing as a safe seat against the right challenger. Australia Institute research shows Australians are unique among Western democracies in their willingness to elect independents. Regional challengers to the major parties will not be cut from the same cloth as community independents in the cities, the so-called "teals". Regional and rural Australians have responded to somewhat different arguments, from somewhat different candidates. We could call these candidates "tans" - from the colour of their pants, and because it is "Nat" in reverse. Of course, none of this is predestined - nor was the Liberal Party doomed to veer to the right and leave behind moderate and classically liberal voters. These are the result of choices made by voters, by party rank-and-file and by elected representatives. A couple of weeks ago, the Nationals made a choice - to quit the Coalition - which suggested a willingness to rethink the old saws. Unfortunately, the reason was not to give the Nationals freedom to consider new ways of representing the country, but to allow them to hold onto failed policies like nuclear power. These policies failed to resonate with voters. And the united front of Liberals and Nationals held back rural candidates. Mia Davies, former leader of the WA Nationals (a more independently minded branch than those in NSW or Victoria) and a candidate in the federal election, thought her job was made harder by the opposition of Liberal shadow ministers to Labor's resources production tax credit scheme. READ MORE: What Angus Taylor called "billions for billionaires", Davies called "good policy". But Davies was a rare Coalition candidate who went against the party line. The effect is a decimated Liberal-National Coalition. And while it is mostly the Liberals who have lost seats, the Nationals have re-attached to the Coalition, which means their future relevance depends on the Liberals recovering 30-odd seats, and the Nationals winning a couple themselves off Labor - something the Nationals haven't managed to do since 2013. Once, National candidates could promise their electorate a voice in the government. With that looking a long way away, it is now independent and minor party candidates who can promise relevance: starting national debates, probing the government in question time and perhaps being at the heart of negotiations in the event of a future power-sharing Parliament. If the Nats are not interested in serving the interests of those in rural and regional Australia, they will find no shortage of "tans" willing to throw their Akubras in the ring. The community independent movement did not begin in Sydney or Melbourne, but in the bush. It was in the rural Victorian seat of Indi, encompassing Wodonga and Wangaratta, that independent Cathy McGowan was drafted by community group Voices of Indi. In 2013, McGowan delivered the Liberal Party its only loss when she won the formerly safe seat from Sophie Mirabella. The subsequent success of inner city "teals" - community independents like Zali Steggall, Monique Ryan and Kate Chaney - is evidence that Liberal neglect of classical-liberal and metropolitan voters has come back to haunt them. But soul searching is due in the bush as well, particularly among Nationals. So far, they have been criticised for unforced errors (like quitting the Liberal-National Coalition only to rejoin it days later) rather than structural weaknesses, like their preference of mining interests over agricultural ones and their inability to win back seats lost since the 1990s. Conditions are ripe for the Nationals to face challenges from independents on the same scale as those already faced by the Liberals. And while Indi's "Voices of" model of community organising and drafting candidates was an innovation, the country has long been friendly to independents. Father of the House of Representatives Bob Katter is a rural independent, as were Tony Windsor and Rob Oakeshott, who negotiated minority government with Julia Gillard in 2010. Windsor and Oakeshott sat in the NSW Parliament before the jump to Commonwealth politics, and today the NSW crossbench boasts 10 independent MPs, mostly from regional and rural parts of the state. Many independent-held NSW seats overlap with federal seats held by Nationals (like Riverina and Parkes) or regional Liberals (like Farrer and Hume). And at the last two federal elections, independent candidates have turned National and Liberal-National seats like Cowper and Groom marginal. There is a perception that the junior National Party has been the tail wagging the dog, with the Liberals taking up the obsessions of National MPs - in particular nuclear energy. And while Coalition Governments dutifully "pork-barrelled" public money for safe regional seats, they neglected apparently safe urban seats held by Liberals. This helps explain why Liberals now hold mostly regional and rural seats, and barely exists in the inner-city. But big spending programs disguise how country interests have become diluted. Being in Coalition with the Liberal Party has weakened the ability of the National Party to advocate forcefully for the interests of those in regional and rural Australia. Famously, former National leader Michael McCormack could not name one time the Nationals had taken the side of farmers over that of miners. Similarly, in the last Coalition government, Nationals spruiked and voted for Scott Morrison's original stage three tax cuts - even though Nationals electorates had the least to gain. When the Albanese Labor government reformed stage three, the biggest winners were Australians living in Nationals seats. Regional and rural areas would benefit from increased public spending on education, health, public transport and infrastructure; all of which are harder to fund after the tax cuts eagerly pursued by Liberal-National governments. They are most at risk from climate change, and bear the brunt of disasters amplified by a warming earth. Independents like Cathy McGowan, Rob Oakeshott and Tony Windsor have recognised this, as have those running in more recent elections like Helen Haines. It is true that the Nationals still hold about as many lower house seats today as they did at the height of the Howard Coalition Government, and many are still nominally safe seats. But in recent elections, both Liberal and Labor Party MPs have learned the hard way that there is no such thing as a safe seat against the right challenger. Australia Institute research shows Australians are unique among Western democracies in their willingness to elect independents. Regional challengers to the major parties will not be cut from the same cloth as community independents in the cities, the so-called "teals". Regional and rural Australians have responded to somewhat different arguments, from somewhat different candidates. We could call these candidates "tans" - from the colour of their pants, and because it is "Nat" in reverse. Of course, none of this is predestined - nor was the Liberal Party doomed to veer to the right and leave behind moderate and classically liberal voters. These are the result of choices made by voters, by party rank-and-file and by elected representatives. A couple of weeks ago, the Nationals made a choice - to quit the Coalition - which suggested a willingness to rethink the old saws. Unfortunately, the reason was not to give the Nationals freedom to consider new ways of representing the country, but to allow them to hold onto failed policies like nuclear power. These policies failed to resonate with voters. And the united front of Liberals and Nationals held back rural candidates. Mia Davies, former leader of the WA Nationals (a more independently minded branch than those in NSW or Victoria) and a candidate in the federal election, thought her job was made harder by the opposition of Liberal shadow ministers to Labor's resources production tax credit scheme. READ MORE: What Angus Taylor called "billions for billionaires", Davies called "good policy". But Davies was a rare Coalition candidate who went against the party line. The effect is a decimated Liberal-National Coalition. And while it is mostly the Liberals who have lost seats, the Nationals have re-attached to the Coalition, which means their future relevance depends on the Liberals recovering 30-odd seats, and the Nationals winning a couple themselves off Labor - something the Nationals haven't managed to do since 2013. Once, National candidates could promise their electorate a voice in the government. With that looking a long way away, it is now independent and minor party candidates who can promise relevance: starting national debates, probing the government in question time and perhaps being at the heart of negotiations in the event of a future power-sharing Parliament. If the Nats are not interested in serving the interests of those in rural and regional Australia, they will find no shortage of "tans" willing to throw their Akubras in the ring.
