
Letters: Illinois must keep its promise and maintain evidence-based funding for schools
Illinois made a promise to its children in 2017 — a promise that every student, no matter their ZIP code, deserves a fully funded public education. Lawmakers kept that promise by passing the evidence-based funding (EBF) formula. Since then, students are doing better. Schools are stronger. Communities are more stable.
Now, that progress is at risk.
Before EBF, more than 160 school districts in Illinois were operating with less than 60% of the resources they needed. That meant outdated textbooks, overcrowded classrooms and not enough counselors, nurses or special education services. Today, just one district remains below that 60% mark.
The average adequacy level in underfunded districts has climbed from 67% to 77%. That's not just a number — that's more teachers in classrooms, more help for struggling students and more opportunities for success.
Take the small district that was finally able to hire a full-time social worker. Or the growing high schools that now offer dual-credit programs, saving students thousands in college tuition. In Chicago and beyond, pre-K classrooms have expanded, graduation rates have risen and students are recovering from the deep impacts of COVID-19 faster than in many other states.
None of this happened by accident. It happened because the Illinois General Assembly made a long-term commitment to invest in public education: $300 million in new state dollars each year, targeted to the districts that need them most. The plan also included reimbursements for special education and transportation, plus a Property Tax Relief Grant fund to help ease the pressure on local taxpayers.
This wasn't a one-year fix. It was a deliberate, bipartisan effort to repair decades of inequity — and it's working.
But seven years in, some are questioning whether we can keep going. The economy is uncertain. Federal COVID-19 relief funds have disappeared, and other federal funds are in jeopardy. Districts have seen reimbursements for non-negotiable mandated categorical (MCAT) costs erode. And inflation is hitting families and school budgets alike. That's exactly why now is the wrong time to pull back on EBF or MCATs. Our schools need steady support to keep moving forward, not to start slipping back.
EBF isn't just good policy. It's also one of the most effective education investments Illinois has made in a generation. Lawmakers deserve credit for enacting it — and for holding the line through tough years.
Now we're calling on them to stay the course.
Let's keep our promise to Illinois' nearly 2 million public school students. Let's keep building on the progress we've made. And let's send a clear message: In Illinois, we don't shortchange the future.A bill, HB 1234, that is pending in the Illinois Senate proposes putting the secretary of state's office in charge of studying the fairness of underwriting factors used in auto insurance pricing — specifically, credit scores, ZIP codes and age. While the insurance industry is not opposed to a study, the way this legislation is structured raises serious concerns.
Rather than forming an independent task force to conduct an impartial review, the measure would place full control of the study in the hands of the secretary of state's office, which wants to eliminate these very factors. This arrangement is akin to putting the wolf in charge of the hen house — the conclusion seems predetermined.
The secretary of state's office has no insurance expertise, and it does not possess the technical knowledge needed to accurately assess and evaluate the factors that contribute to pricing in the auto insurance market. The fact is this: No one wants to pay more for insurance than they should. And that's why insurers use a wide range of driving and nondriving factors to ensure that no single variable has a disproportionate impact on an individual's premium. When insurers can accurately price policies, consumers benefit with lower rates overall, more choices for coverage, and greater market and price stability.
Misguided legislation can have direct financial consequences for residents. For example, the state of Washington serves as a cautionary tale: After banning credit-based insurance scoring in 2021, over 60% of Washington drivers saw increased premiums.
Given the secretary of state's established opposition to certain underwriting factors, handing over control of this study raises significant concerns about impartiality. A more credible approach would be to entrust an independent body, such as the University of Illinois Office of Risk Management & Insurance Research, with conducting a truly objective analysis. By having the University of Illinois conduct the study, policymakers could ensure that Illinoisans receive unbiased findings and avoid unintended consequences that may increase costs for consumers.I am writing to express my concerns about the safety issues faced by thousands of public transportation operators like me. I'm a proud member of ATU 241 and have been a CTA bus driver for seven years on routes such as King Drive and Cottage Grove on the South Side. These routes are crucial lifelines for the community.
Every day, I transport children to schools such as Simeon Career Academy and Phillips Academy High School and adults to work or medical appointments. My work supports people like Mary, a wheelchair user I regularly take to the University of Chicago Medical Center. She relies on me to get her there safely. Many others depend on the CTA for their daily needs. If we fail to pass a bill soon, people like Mary and the communities I serve will be adversely affected, impacting all of Illinois.
However, growing safety challenges overshadow my responsibilities. Transit workers face physical attacks and threats. Bus drivers operate their routes without any other staff. Despite having a panic button in my bus, I often resort to prayer for reassurance, which is unsustainable. Our community deserves safe public transport, free from fear. Incidents of attacks on workers and riders make headlines, yet effective safety improvements are lacking.
If we are to retain a quality workforce that can serve the ridership demands, it is imperative that any legislative reform must also address safety.
I urge state legislators to prioritize funding for the United We Move legislation to enhance security and support for drivers. Our goal is a safe and welcoming environment for everyone relying on public transportation. Improving bus safety is not just a priority — it's also essential. By working together, we can ensure every journey is safe for our community members. Both public transit operators and passengers are desperately relying on this immediate decision.In Leslie S. Richards' op-ed 'Philadelphia's transit faces deep cuts. Chicago can still avoid this fate.' (May 21), she makes a clear case that Chicago needs to act now in order to avoid drastic and ultimately costly reductions in service. I accept that. Too many people need reliable and continuous rail and bus service, and it would be awful for a city the size of Chicago not to have suitable mass transit.
But what continues to infuriate me is how and why Chicago is in this mess in the first place. Sure, the pandemic impacted ridership significantly, but everyone knew ridership would continue to be slow to come back, and we certainly knew when federal dollars would dry up. Many of the structural problems facing mass transit in Chicago existed well before the pandemic and could have been addressed years ago, before the current crisis.
Chicago's transit system got stuck with an old funding model that couldn't keep up with rising costs. Leaders should've taxed more services, such as streaming, to raise steady money. They also missed chances to keep riders on board with improved safety and better service. Merging agencies and setting aside a rainy-day fund would've helped too. Instead, the city leaned on temporary federal cash, and now that that's gone, we're facing this huge gap.
This is typical of our city: Don't address the problem initially and then simply wait for the crisis in order to attempt to fix it. Poor leadership all around. And the city and state taxpayers will bear the cost of any fix — and does anyone really think our government is capable of doing that effectively?

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Politico
14 minutes ago
- Politico
Thune stares down ‘Medicaid moderates'
IN TODAY'S EDITION:— The Senate megabill talks to watch this week— Appropriations season ramps up— Chris Murphy launches PAC It's megabill crunch time in the Senate. Arm-twisting over what to change in the House-passed version of the 'big, beautiful' bill will largely play out behind closed doors the next few days. Strategy huddles include Senate Finance's meeting tonight and Wednesday's 'Big Six' confab between Senate Majority Leader John Thune, Speaker Mike Johnson, their tax committee chairs and lead administration officials, as we previewed last week. One of Thune's biggest challenges to passing the bill by July 4 will be winning over the 'Medicaid moderates' — an ideological cross-section of members who are aligned against the cuts passed by the House and have the numbers to force changes, our Jordain Carney reports this morning. Among them: Sens. Josh Hawley, Lisa Murkowski and Susan Collins. Thune can only lose three GOP senators to pass the megabill. Thune and Senate Finance Chair Mike Crapo, who is juggling Medicaid and tax conflicts in the bill, are talking to key members in anticipation of difficult negotiations. Crapo told Jordain he personally backs the House's Medicaid work requirements, which some GOP senators wary of benefit cuts say they could also support. But beyond that, they're steering clear of public commitments. One potentially major sticking point: The House-passed freeze on provider taxes, which most states use to help finance their share of Medicaid costs. Sen. Jim Justice, the former West Virginia governor, called it a 'real issue' and Hawley has also raised concerns. But other GOP senators, including Kevin Cramer, want to go even further in reducing, not just freezing, the provider tax. Republicans got a glimpse of the political minefield surrounding Medicaid while back home last week. Sen. Joni Ernst's 'we're all going to die' response to town hall pushback about the cuts — and her decision to double down on the comments — generated days of negative headlines and ad fodder for Democrats. Mehmet Oz, the head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, told our Dasha Burns in the debut episode of her podcast 'The Conversation' that the Medicaid work requirements in the bill would 'future proof' the program. Then there are the deficit hawks. President Donald Trump over the weekend warned Sen. Rand Paul to get behind the megabill, with Paul vowing to vote against it over an included debt-limit hike. But it's not just Paul making noise. Sen. Ron Johnson is calling for a line-by-line budget review to find places to slash more spending, and Sens. Mike Lee and Rick Scott are also pushing for more cuts. Paul hinted at hard-liners' leverage Sunday on CBS' 'Face the Nation,' saying: 'I would be very surprised if the bill at least is not modified in a good direction.' GOOD MONDAY MORNING. Welcome back. Follow our live coverage at the Inside Congress blog at and email your Inside Congress scribes at lkashinsky@ mmccarthy@ and bleonard@ THE SKED The House is out. The Senate is in session and voting to end debate on Michael Duffey's nomination to be an undersecretary of Defense at 5:30 p.m. — Pennsylvania Sens. John Fetterman and David McCormick will have a live discussion, moderated by Fox News' Shannon Bream, at the Kennedy Institute in Boston at 9 a.m. — Senate Republican and Democratic leadership will hold separate private meetings shortly before evening votes. The rest of the week: The House will return on Tuesday. The Senate will continue working through Trump's nominees, including Allison Hooker to be an undersecretary of State. THE LEADERSHIP SUITE Thune's to-do list on Russia sanctions, crypto Internal pressure is growing on the Senate majority leader to take up Sen. Lindsey Graham's bipartisan Russia sanctions bill without waiting for the White House to weigh in. Graham, fresh off a Friday trip to Kyiv with Sen. Richard Blumenthal, told our Josh Berlinger and other reporters in Paris that he expects the bill will 'start moving' soon. He talked up a House discharge petition that could hit the floor this week and a plan that would put the bill on the Senate calendar for potential action 'hopefully the following week.' Graham and Blumenthal are pushing to bypass Senate Banking, which has jurisdiction over sanctions legislation, to speed up the process. Also on Thune's radar this week: GOP leaders need to finalize a deal on amendments for stablecoin legislation that's pending a floor vote. It may slip into next week. No longer on Thune's radar: Jared Isaacman's nomination to lead NASA, which Trump said over the weekend he was withdrawing. Contributions to prominent Democrats may have doomed him, per the New York Times. Schumer plots more megabill pushback Senate Democrats are preparing to challenge parts of the GOP megabill with the parliamentarian, Minority Leader Chuck Schumer wrote in a 'Dear Colleague' letter Sunday. He highlighted a specific House provision that critics say would weaken judges' power to enforce contempt orders. Schumer and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries spoke Sunday as the two step up coordination around the bill. Top House Democrats on three key committees are also briefing Senate colleagues on GOP fault lines. POLICY RUNDOWN APPROPRIATIONS ON THE AGENDA — Work on funding the government is ramping up this week with key committee votes and a round of pitches from Trump administration officials on the Hill. Here's what's coming: — House Appropriations will begin marking up the Military Construction and Veterans Affairs and Agriculture bills on Thursday. — Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick — the face of Trump's tariff agenda — will testify before Senate and House appropriations subcommittees on Wednesday and Thursday, respectively, on his agency's budget. — Education Secretary Linda McMahon will testify on Tuesday and will likely be pressed about the education programs the Trump administration plans to cut, including federal grants that support preschools and education services for homeless children. — Acting FAA Administrator Chris Rocheleau is set to testify Wednesday before a House Appropriations subcommittee and is poised to face questions about the nation's air traffic control system. — OMB Director Russ Vought will testify on Wednesday. Trump's budget chief has already faced backlash for the sweeping federal funding cuts. The Trump administration Friday sent the nitty-gritty details of his fiscal 2026 budget request to Congress, including a 22 percent cut in non-defense spending, our Jennifer Scholtes reports. ROBOTICS CAUCUS RELAUNCHES — A bipartisan group of House lawmakers is relaunching the Congressional Robotics Caucus. Reps. Jim McGovern, Haley Stevens, Bob Latta and Jay Obernolte will co-chair. Best of POLITICO Pro and E&E: CAMPAIGN STOP FIRST IN INSIDE CONGRESS: MURPHY'S NEW PAC — Sen. Chris Murphy is launching a PAC aimed at mobilizing voters against Trump and Republican lawmakers' agenda, our Holly Otterbein reports. The American Mobilization Project will start by doling out $400,000 to groups registering voters and opposing Medicaid cuts, and it plans to spend upwards of $2 million during the midterms. Murphy insists his PAC play isn't a sign of presidential ambitions. The Connecticut Democrat told Holly, 'I'm a believer that the only thing that is ultimately going to stop Trump's corruption and his destruction of democracy is mass mobilization.' MAXINE WATERS' CAMPAIGN FACES FINE — Rep. Maxine Waters' congressional campaign agreed to pay a $68,000 fine after a FEC investigation found it violated campaign finance laws, Dave Levinthal writes at OpenSecrets. Waters' 2020 campaign committee understated contributions and expenditures by hundreds of thousands of dollars, per the FEC's findings. THE BEST OF THE REST Aide to Rep. Nadler Is Handcuffed Amid Confrontation With Federal Agents, from Christopher Maag at The New York Times Republicans see Darin LaHood as 'best chance' for Senate flip in blue Illinois, from Rachel Schilke at the Washington Examiner CAPITOL HILL INFLUENCE BURR LOBBYING FOR TOBACCO COALITION — Former North Carolina Sen. Richard Burr has continued to add new lobbying clients since his cooling-off period to lobby the Hill ended at the beginning of the year, our POLITICO Influence reports. Among the newest clients for the former Senate HELP ranking member is the Coalition for Smarter Regulation of Nicotine. Though the group has a barebones online presence, lobbying disclosures show it is backed by tobacco giants Altria, Japan Tobacco International, Reynolds American and Reynolds parent company British American Tobacco. Burr and a pair of former staffers who have joined him at DLA Piper began lobbying last month on FDA regulation and enforcement policy on behalf of the coalition, according to a disclosure filing. Molly Fromm is now VP and general counsel at the Nickles Group. She previously was general counsel and parliamentarian for House Ways and Means Chair Jason Smith. Kim Trzeciak, who served as the FDA's deputy commissioner for policy, legislation and international affairs during the Biden administration, has joined Capitol Hill Consulting Group as a senior vice president. She previously worked on the Hill as a top aide on the House Energy and Commerce Health Subcommittee and for the late Rep. John Dingell, with stints at Glover Park Group (now FGS Global) and Mylan in between. Growth Energy has added Emma Keiser as director of government affairs. She was most recently a legislative assistant for Sen. Joni Ernst. JOB BOARD Sam Somogye is now press secretary for Sen. Katie Britt. He was most recently communications director for Rep. Diana Harshbarger and is a Ted Cruz campaign alum. Elisabeth Conklin is now legislative director for Rep. Tom Barrett. She previously was a senior professional staff member on the House Small Business Committee. HAPPY BIRTHDAY Rep. Delia Ramirez … former Rep. Mike Rogers … Mia Heck ... Mike Lynch … Jeanine Pirro … Crooked Media's Jon Favreau … Rich Ashooh … Ben Cassidy of the BLC Group … Vanessa Day … Zach Isakowitz of the Semiconductor Industry Association … Darby McQueen-Dever of Rep. Michael Cloud's office … Hannah Botelho of Kieloch Consulting … Edgar Barrios … Jane Meyer of Sen. Amy Klobuchar's office TRIVIA FRIDAY'S ANSWER: Don Lowe correctly answered that a proposed amendment becomes part of the Constitution as soon as it is ratified by 3/4 of the total states (38 for 50 states). TODAY'S QUESTION, from Mia: What percentage of the 119th Congress are four-year college graduates? The first person to correctly guess gets a mention in the next edition of Inside Congress. Send your answers to insidecongress@


Politico
21 minutes ago
- Politico
The ‘Medicaid moderates' are the senators to watch on the megabill
The Senate's deficit hawks might be raising the loudest hue and cry over the GOP's 'big, beautiful bill.' But another group of Republicans is poised to have a bigger impact on the final legislative product. Call them the 'Medicaid moderates.' They're actually an ideologically diverse bunch — ranging from conservative Josh Hawley of Missouri to centrist Susan Collins of Maine. Yet they have found rare alignment over concerns about what the House-passed version of the GOP domestic-policy megabill does to the national safety-net health program, and they have the leverage to force significant changes in the Senate. 'I would hope that we would elect not to do anything that would endanger Medicaid benefits as a conference,' Hawley said in an interview. 'I've made that clear to my leadership. I think others share that perspective.' Besides Hawley and Collins, other GOP senators including Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Jerry Moran of Kansas and Jim Justice of West Virginia have also drawn public red lines over health care — and they have some rhetorical backing from President Donald Trump, who has urged congressional Republicans to spare the program as much as possible. Based on early estimates from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, 10.3 million people would lose coverage under Medicaid if the House-passed bill were to become law — many, if not most, in red states. That could spell trouble for Majority Leader John Thune's whip count: He can only lose three GOP senators on the expected party-line vote and still have Vice President JD Vance break a tie. Republicans already have one all-but-guaranteed opponent in Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky so long as they stick to their plan to raise the debt limit as part of the bill. They also view Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson as increasingly likely to oppose the package after spending weeks blasting the bill on fiscal grounds. Meeting either senator's demands could be enormously difficult given the tight fiscal parameters through which House leaders have to squeeze the bill to advance it in their own chamber. That in turn is empowering the senators elsewhere in the GOP conference to make changes — and the Medicaid group is emerging as the key bloc to watch because of its size and its overlapping, relatively workable demands. Heeding those asks won't be easy. Republicans are counting on savings from Medicaid changes to offset hundreds of billions of dollars in tax cuts, and rolling that back is likely to create political pain elsewhere for Thune & Co., who already want to cut more than the House to assuage a sizable group of spending hawks. At the same time, Speaker Mike Johnson is insisting the Senate make only minor changes to the bill so as to maintain the delicate balance in his own narrowly divided chamber. Thune and Finance Committee Chair Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) have already acknowledged that Medicaid, covering nearly 80 million low-income Americans, will be one of the biggest sticking points as they embark this month on a rewrite of the megabill. They are talking with key members in anticipation of difficult negotiations and being careful not to draw red lines publicly. 'We want to do things that are meaningful in terms of reforming programs, strengthening programs, without affecting beneficiaries,' Thune said, echoing language used by some of the concerned senators. Crapo voiced support in an interview for one pillar of the House bill — broad new work requirements for Medicaid beneficiaries — but rushed to add that he's 'still working with a 53-member caucus to get answers' to how the program can be overhauled: 'I can only speak for myself.' Complicating their task is the fact that some in the group — namely Collins and Murkowski — have a proven history of bucking their party even amid intense public pressure. The pair, in fact, helped tank the GOP's last party-line effort on health care, in 2017. Leaders view them as unlikely to be moved by the type of arm-twisting Republicans are planning to deploy to bring enough of the fiscal hawks on board. And then there's Hawley, who is playing up Trump's own warnings to congressional Republicans about keeping their hands off Medicaid. Hawley and Trump spoke shortly before the House passed its bill, with the senator recounting that the president said 'absolutely categorically, 'Do not touch Medicaid. No Medicaid benefit cuts, none.'' Hawley, like Crapo, has indicated he is comfortable with work requirements, but he is pushing for two major tweaks to the House language: undoing a freeze on provider taxes, which most states use to help finance their share of Medicaid costs, and new co-payment requirements for some beneficiaries that he has been calling a 'sick tax.' The provider tax changes would present an issue with multiple senators, who fear it would exacerbate the bill's impact on state budgets and slash funding that helps keep rural hospitals afloat. Justice, a former governor, called it a 'real issue.' 'They haven't done anything to really cut into the bone except that one thing,' Justice added. 'That's gonna put a big burden on the states.' Moran grabbed the attention of his colleagues when he warned in a pointed April floor speech that making changes to Medicaid would hurt rural hospitals. A 'significant portion' of his focus, he said, 'is to make sure the hospitals have the capability and the revenues necessary to provide the services the community needs — Medicaid is a component of that.' Collins, who is up for reelection in 2026, has also left the door open to supporting work requirements, depending on how they are crafted. She has also raised concerns about the provider tax provision, noting that 'rural hospitals in my state and across the country are really teetering.' Murkowski, meanwhile, isn't as concerned about the provider tax, because Alaska is the only state that doesn't use it to help cover its share of Medicaid spending. But she has expressed alarm over the House's approach to work requirements, including a decision to speed up the implementation deadline to appease House hard-liners. She said it would be 'very challenging if not impossible' for her state to implement. As it is, any effort to water down the House's Medicaid language will face steep resistance in other corners of the GOP-controlled Senate, where lawmakers are pushing to amp up spending cuts, not scale them back. Some senators, in fact, want to further tighten the House's work requirements or reduce, not just freeze, the provider tax. 'I'd be damned disappointed if a Republican majority with a Republican president didn't make some reforms,' said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.). 'The provider tax is a money laundering machine. … If we don't go after that, we're not doing our jobs.' Ron Johnson and a few others are continuing to push to change the cost split for those Medicaid beneficiaries made eligible under the Affordable Care Act. The federal government now picks up 90 percent of the cost, and House centrists nixed an effort by conservatives to reduce it. One idea under discussion by conservatives is to phase in the change to appease skittish colleagues and state governments, but that is still likely to be a nonstarter for 50 GOP senators. Hawley warned that 'there will be no Senate bill if that is on the table.' Adam Cancryn contributed to this report.


Newsweek
39 minutes ago
- Newsweek
Marjorie Taylor Greene Fumes Over Vaccine Approval: 'Not MAHA at All'
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. Marjorie Taylor Greene has spoken out against a new COVID-19 vaccine being approved in the United States, saying the move is "not MAHA at all." Why It Matters Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is facing repeated backlash for some of his positions on health and medicine, including from people who would ordinarily support him. In May, prominent members of the Make America Great Again movement, including Nicole Shanahan, Kennedy's former presidential running mate, and media personality Laura Loomer, spoke out against Kennedy Jr.'s pick for U.S. Surgeon General Casey Means. In March, Kennedy Jr. sparked anger from anti-vax activists when he called on parents to "consult with their healthcare providers to understand their options to get the MMR vaccine," with one saying he is "no different than Fauci." Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., arrives for a meeting of House Republicans in the Capitol Visitor Center on May 15, 2025. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., arrives for a meeting of House Republicans in the Capitol Visitor Center on May 15, 2025. AP What To Know The U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) gave the green light for mNEXSPIKE (mRNA-1283), Moderna's new lower-dose COVID-19 vaccine, on May 31. Greene, the U.S. representative for Georgia's 14th congressional district, shared Moderna's post about the recent approval with the caption: "Not MAHA at all!!! Unreal." Not MAHA at all!!! Unreal. — Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene🇺🇸 (@RepMTG) June 1, 2025 She was referring to Kennedy Jr.'s movement Make America Healthy Again, whose mission is to "aggressively combat the critical health challenges facing our citizens, including the rising rates of mental health disorders, obesity, diabetes, and other chronic diseases." Newsweek has contacted the United States Department of Health and Human Services outside of office hours, via email, for comment. The new vaccine is set to be used for adults 65 or older or people between the ages of 12 and 64 with at least one or more underlying risk factor as defined by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Approval for the jab is "based on results from a randomized, observer-blind, active-controlled Phase 3 clinical trial which enrolled approximately 11,400 participants aged 12 years and older," Moderna says. It comes after Kennedy Jr. announced that the CDC is no longer encouraging COVID-19 vaccines for pregnant women and healthy children, marking a shift in federal public health guidance. What People Are Saying Chief Executive Officer of Moderna Stéphane Bancel said in a statement: "The FDA approval of our third product, mNEXSPIKE, adds an important new tool to help protect people at high risk of severe disease from COVID-19. "COVID-19 remains a serious public health threat, with more than 47,000 Americans dying from the virus last year alone. We appreciate the FDA's timely review and thank the entire Moderna team for their hard work and continued commitment to public health." Kennedy Jr. said about the new CDC guidance: "I couldn't be more pleased to announce that as of today the COVID vaccine for healthy children and healthy pregnant women has been removed from the CDC recommended immunization schedule." What Happens Next The new vaccine is expected to be ready for those eligible to take it in time for the 2025-2026 respiratory virus season. You should not get mNEXSPIKE if you had a severe allergic reaction after a previous dose of either mNEXSPIKE, SPIKEVAX (an mRNA vaccine for preventing COVID-19) or any Moderna COVID-19 vaccine or to any ingredient in these vaccines, the company warns.