
The digital cold war: AI, Blockchain, Fintech, and the U.S.-China battle for financial dominance
The world is splitting into two digital ecosystems as the U.S. and China race for financial supremacy. From AI-driven fintech and stablecoins fueling U.S. Treasury demand to the rise of CBDCs and the Splinternet, global finance is entering a new era of geopolitical competition.
The Acceleration of Change
In The World is Changing Faster Than You Think, I highlighted how exponential technologies and macroeconomic shifts are disrupting industries at an unprecedented pace. But this is just the beginning. The real question now is: how do we prepare for what's next?
We are entering an era where technological acceleration will reshape power structures, redefine economies, and challenge long-held assumptions about how the world operates. While some will struggle to keep up, others will capitalize on the opportunities ahead. The difference between the two will be determined by how well they understand the forces at play.
AI, Quantum Computing, and the New Arms Race
The next Cold War won't be fought with aircraft carriers or missile silos — it will be fought with artificial intelligence, quantum computing, and cyberwarfare.
• AI is the new nuclear weapon. The nations and corporations that achieve AI supremacy will dominate global finance, military strategy, and economic power structures.
• Quantum computing will break existing encryption models. Blockchain networks, traditional cybersecurity methods, and even financial transaction security will be reshaped once quantum supremacy is reached.
• The race for AI-driven autonomous systems is escalating. Governments and enterprises alike are pushing for AI-controlled decision-making, reducing reliance on human operators.
Just like the nuclear arms race of the 20th century, the nations and institutions that fail to keep up will find themselves at a permanent technological disadvantage.
The Splinternet and the U.S.-China Race for Global Digital Dominance
The world is no longer operating on a single, unified internet — it is splitting into two competing ecosystems, mirroring the growing geopolitical divide between the U.S. and China.
• Satellite internet is becoming a tool for financial control.
• Countries that adopt one side's satellite infrastructure will be tied to that financial and payment system.
• U.S.-led networks will ensure that only applications complying with its standards operate within its system.
• China-led networks will push for apps that align with its geopolitical and financial standards.
• The fragmentation of financial services
• Digital wallets, stablecoins, and AI-powered fintech will all operate within specific influence zones.
• Payments, e-commerce, and lending models will be determined by which digital system a country adopts.
This is not just about financial services — it's a race for control over the global economic infrastructure. The battle for who controls digital payments, credit, and AI-driven finance will define the next era of financial power.
Starlink vs. Qianfan: The Satellite Internet Race
The global satellite internet race is heating up as China's Qianfan (G60 Starlink) and SpaceX's Starlink compete for dominance. Starlink, operational since 2019, has over 7,000 satellites in low Earth orbit (LEO) and aims to deploy up to 34,400 for worldwide broadband coverage. In contrast, Qianfan, led by Shanghai Spacecom Satellite Technology, plans to launch 15,000+ satellites by 2030 to rival Starlink's network.
While Starlink already provides global services, Qianfan is in early deployment stages, aiming for full coverage by 2027. Both constellations are key components of the U.S.-China digital infrastructure battle, with each nation expanding its satellite internet to strengthen financial, technological, and geopolitical influence worldwide. Countries adopting one of these systems will be tied to that ecosystem, reinforcing the Splinternet divide in global finance, communication, and cybersecurity. The battle for digital dominance is shifting to space, determining which financial and technological systems will define the future.
AI, Blockchain, and the Evolution of Finance
Artificial intelligence and blockchain are no longer fringe technologies; they are becoming the new financial infrastructure.
AI-powered financial models are reshaping traditional risk assessment, underwriting, and trading strategies. Institutions that rely on legacy systems will need to adapt. Blockchain is ushering in a new era of finance where decentralized applications, tokenization, and e-money layers are emerging as consumer-facing solutions.
Banks Are Here to Stay — But They Will Evolve
Despite the rise of fintech applications, DeFi, and e-money layers, banks are not going away — they will evolve into custodians, compliance hubs, and backend infrastructure providers in the new financial system.
• Consumer Finance Moves to Fintech, but Banks Provide the Foundation
• E-money platforms and alternative lending apps are taking over consumer-facing financial interactions.
• However, banks will still control regulatory compliance, custodianship of digital assets, and large-scale capital flows.
• Banks Will Act as Custodians of Digital Finance
• As CBDCs, stablecoins, and tokenized assets gain adoption, banks will serve as compliance enforcers and custody providers.
• Instead of being replaced, banks will consolidate, absorbing smaller institutions and integrating fintech innovations.
The Role of Fintech in Credit Access: Building Alternative Credit Models
One of the biggest structural challenges in developing markets is the lack of formal credit scoring mechanisms.
• No FICO Credit Score Equivalent — Unlike developed economies, many emerging markets do not have centralized credit bureaus or decades of consumer lending data.
• Traditional Banks Aren't Lending — Banks in these markets have historically avoided extending credit to SMEs and individuals without formal banking histories.
• Collateral-Based Lending is the Norm — Due to the lack of data, traditional institutions rely on collateral-based lending, which excludes a large portion of the population from accessing capital.
How Fintech and E-Money Layers are Solving the Problem
Fintechs, non-bank financial institutions (NBFIs), and e-money platforms are now filling the gap by leveraging alternative data models:
• Transactional Data — Digital payments, mobile top-ups, and bill payments are being used as a proxy for creditworthiness.
• AI-Based Risk Scoring — Fintechs are using machine learning models to analyze consumer spending behavior, cash flow patterns, and repayment history to predict risk.
•Gradual Credit Building — Small initial loans (such as payroll advances or buy-now-pay-later financing) allow borrowers to build financial identities over time.
Stablecoins: The Silent Force Behind U.S. Treasuries and Global Liquidity
Stablecoins have become integral to digital finance, facilitating billions of dollars in daily transactions while being backed by reserves that include U.S. treasuries.
This mechanism has reinforced demand for U.S. treasuries, as stablecoin issuers must hold liquid reserves to maintain their peg.
Even policymakers have taken notice. Federal Reserve Governor Christopher Waller has acknowledged the role of stablecoins, describing them as effectively 'synthetic' dollars that could enhance the financial system by eliminating inefficiencies (Reuters).
The Rise of Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs): Pros & Cons
As the financial landscape evolves, central banks worldwide are launching Central Bank Digital Currencies (CBDCs) — a digital form of fiat money aimed at modernizing financial systems.
Advantages of CBDCs:
• Programmable Money: Governments can program CBDCs to stimulate specific sectors, ensure targeted aid distribution, or manage inflation dynamically.
• Financial Inclusion: CBDCs could expand financial services to unbanked populations, reducing reliance on cash-based economies.
• Reduced Transaction Costs: A state-backed digital currency could make financial transactions cheaper and more efficient.
Potential Risks of CBDCs:
• Privacy Concerns: Unlike cash, CBDCs are fully traceable, raising concerns over financial surveillance and personal privacy.
• Increased Government Control: Central banks could directly influence spending behavior, which, if misused, could become a tool for financial overreach.
• Individual Sanctions and Financial Control: CBDCs could allow governments to freeze funds, block transactions, or impose spending limits on individuals, extending financial blacklisting beyond national sanctions.
• Risk of Overreach: In politically unstable regions, CBDCs could be used as a tool to suppress dissent by restricting financial access.
While CBDCs have the potential to increase efficiency and financial inclusion, their implementation must be balanced with safeguards to prevent misuse.
What Comes Next?
In Part 3, I'll explore how AI, digital finance, and automation will force radical transparency and eliminate inefficiencies in economies like Pakistan.
The digitization of everything — finance, payments, trade, mobility — will fundamentally reshape economic structures. Technology will make everyone honest — it's the ultimate form of documentation.
Stay tuned for Part 3.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Business Recorder
21 hours ago
- Business Recorder
China's strategic ascent and future of regional power play
The recent trilateral meeting of the foreign ministers of China, Pakistan, and Afghanistan in Beijing represents more than a routine diplomatic engagement—it signals a strategic recalibration in the evolving architecture of regional connectivity and cooperation. While not a summit in the formal sense, the high-level dialogue underscores the increasing importance of regional mechanisms in fostering peace, economic integration, and mutual security. While the meeting's immediate focus was on regional development and stability, it also fits within a broader context where global powers are redefining their roles. China's expanding engagement in regional diplomacy—anchored in initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)—reflects its aspirations to strengthen development-led connectivity while promoting economic resilience across Asia and beyond. A centerpiece of China's regional outreach remains the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), initially envisioned as a bilateral economic partnership. Today, it plays a broader role in enabling regional trade and economic interlinkages. For China, such overland corridors offer viable alternatives to maritime routes, especially in an evolving global environment where supply chains are becoming increasingly complex. Afghanistan's participation in this dialogue signals its continued relevance to the regional connectivity vision. China's constructive engagement with Kabul—focused on infrastructure development, mineral resources, and regional security—reflects a shared desire to integrate Afghanistan into broader development frameworks, thereby contributing to long-term peace and economic opportunity. The idea of expanding connectivity from China's Xinjiang region through Kyrgyzstan and Afghanistan to Central Asia is becoming more tangible. In light of shifting global trade patterns and regional realignments, land-based corridors provide a resilient alternative for economic cooperation among Eurasian nations. Beyond infrastructure, the meeting highlighted China's evolving diplomatic posture. By hosting such multilateral discussions, Beijing positions itself as a facilitator of peace and cooperation. This evolution from a traditionally reserved foreign policy to one of proactive engagement reflects China's growing role as a key regional and global stakeholder. Meanwhile, broader geopolitical developments continue to influence regional alignments. As international frameworks adjust to strategic competition among major powers, the importance of maintaining dialogue, fostering mutual respect, and supporting peaceful coexistence becomes increasingly vital. Both the United States through initiatives like the QUAD and China via the BRI are advancing development-focused approaches to regional stability. These efforts, while different in form, share an interest in peaceful progress. Pakistan and Afghanistan, located at the crossroads of major connectivity routes, stand to gain significantly from such frameworks. For Pakistan, deeper economic ties under CPEC represent both opportunity and regional relevance. For Afghanistan, participation in transnational infrastructure projects may support its long-term development and international reintegration. For China, a stable and cooperative neighborhood enhances the sustainability of its initiatives. The trilateral meeting in Beijing should be viewed not as a contest of influence, but as an opportunity for constructive collaboration. As regional stakeholders work together, prioritizing transparency, inclusivity, and mutual benefit will be essential to ensuring that strategic ambitions translate into lasting peace and prosperity. In a world increasingly shaped by shared challenges and interconnected destinies, initiatives that bring nations together through dialogue and development are vital. The recent trilateral engagement may serve as an important step toward a cooperative and peaceful regional future—one built on trust, connectivity, and common purpose. Copyright Business Recorder, 2025


Express Tribune
2 days ago
- Express Tribune
Confusion reigns as PPP sends mixed signals on budget protest
Confusion continues to swirl within the PPP over its purported plans to stage a nationwide protest against the federal budget, as conflicting voices emerge from within the party's ranks. While some insiders deny any such plan, others maintain that a strategy was indeed in the works, but mainly being driven by the party's Punjab wing, as the central party has not been fully engaged in the decision. The Pakistan Peoples Party, whose senior leader Chaudhary Manzoor announced a countrywide protest against the budget draft, remains a key coalition partner in the federal government. Without its backing, the PML-N-led government would be left out on a limb. Any official protest call by the party's central leadership would signal a withdrawal of support for the finance bill, throwing the budget's passage into serious doubt. However, party leaders The Express Tribune spoke to suggested that Manzoor's call was more of a solo flight than a coordinated party line. While some leaders in central Punjab are rallying behind it, the move has not received a formal green light from the party's top brass. According to insiders, the protest plan was being shaped as an attempt to tap into the growing discontent among farmers and labourers who were being left high and dry by the government's policies. The party, by reaching out to farmers and labourers, would try to gather support before embarking on any protest plan, as it lacks sufficient muscle in Punjab to hit the roads without them. Senior Vice President Central Punjab Rana Farooq Saeed said they had not been informed by the party about any protest plan. He questioned under whose authority Manzoor had made the call. However, he added that the party does not approve of the budget, as it offered nothing for farmers and labourers. "It would be wrong to even call it a budget," he said. However, despite these reservations, the party has yet to take a formal decision. "Given that we are allies in the centre, we cannot give out impulsive statements against the budget," he said. Central Party General Secretary Hasan Murtaza avoided giving a direct answer regarding any party plans to hold a protest demonstration throughout the country. He said they were allies of the government and would try to knock some sense into the PML-N over the glaring discrepancies in the budget. If dialogue failed, he added, they would ultimately hit the roads. When asked if the central party had rejected the budget, which would mean the PPP would withhold support, he said that decision would be taken by the central leadership. However, he clarified that the party would not "stand in for PML-N's mistakes". "They will not carry their weight while they suck the life out of poor people and line their own pockets," he said. He listed several grievances, from the failure to renegotiate capacity payments to the taxation of solar panels. When asked about senior leader Naveed Qamar's acknowledgement of thorough consultation sessions with the PML-N on the budget, he responded that "consultation does not mean that their inputs are being incorporated". On Thursday, several media outlets reported that the PPP had rejected the federal budget for the upcoming fiscal year and announced a nationwide protest campaign against it. The impression was formed after Chaudhary Manzoor Ahmad, who heads the PPP's People's Labour Bureau, lambasted the federal government at a press conference in Islamabad for presenting a budget that favours the wealthy and ignores the miseries of the working class and poor. The PPP leader said the party had started contacting trade unions across the country to mobilise support for protest demonstrations. He stated that demonstrations would be held in all provinces before the passage of the federal budget in the National Assembly. When senior PPP leader Naveed Qamar was asked to comment on the budget, he said the party recognised that the government was walking a tightrope under the IMF programme. However, he also said the government's policies were misaligned and that if the PPP were designing the budget, it would have been vastly different. At no point during the programme did he outright reject the budget or announce plans for protest rallies.


Express Tribune
2 days ago
- Express Tribune
K-P proposes Rs157b surplus in Rs2.1tr budget
Listen to article The PTI-led Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa government on Friday presented a Rs2,119 billion surplus budget for fiscal year 2025-26, featuring no new taxes, a 10% salary increase, and a 7% pension hike for government employees. The budget session, presided over by Speaker Babar Salim Swati, began with the recitation of the Holy Quran. Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Ali Ameen Gandapur, opposition leader Dr Ebad Khan, PPP parliamentary leader Ahmed Kundi and leaders of all parties were in attendance. At the outset of the session, opposition members gathered in front of the speaker's desk, carrying placards and banners bearing slogans against alleged corruption and nepotism in the province. Earlier, Governor Faisal Karim Kundi declined to immediately summon the budget session, stressing that he would not act under political pressure. He emphasized that while he was legally bound to respond within 14 days, there was no obligation to comply instantly, especially under what he termed undue influence from the chief minister or other quarters. The chief minister has sent a summary to the governor, requesting to convene the assembly's budget session, but the governor has chosen not to return the summary immediately, leading to a delay in scheduling the session. Presenting the annual budget, Finance Minister Aftab Alam announced that estimated expenditures for the fiscal year 2025-26 would total Rs1,962 billion, with a projected surplus of Rs157 billion. Providing a breakdown, he said the government expects to receive Rs292.340 billion from the federal government for the merged tribal districts. This includes Rs80 billion in current budget grants, Rs39.600 under the Annual Development Program (ADP), Rs50 billion through the Accelerated Implementation Programme (AIP), Rs42.740 billion as inter-provincial share, and Rs17 billion for Temporarily Displaced Persons (TDPs). The minister added that the province anticipates Rs3.293 billion from the Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP), Rs1,506.92 billion in federal transfers, Rs129 billion from provincial own-source revenues and Rs10.250 billion in other receipts, Rs291.340m from merged district receipts, and Rs177.188m in federal project assistance. He said Rs137.912 billion would be collected through the one percent share of the divisible pool allocated for the war on terror, Rs57.115 billion as straight transfers under gas and oil royalties, Rs58.151 billion from the windfall levy on oil, Rs34.580 billion as net hydel profit for current year, and Rs71.410 billion as net hydel profit arrears. The finance minister added that no new taxes have been imposed in the budget. Instead, the tax base has been broadened, with projected tax receipts of Rs83.500 billion and non-tax receipts of Rs45.500 billion for the upcoming fiscal year. Similarly, the other receipts of Rs10.25 billion would include capital receipts of Rs0.250 billion and Rs10 billion other ways and means and Rs1147.761 billion as federal tax assignment. The minister said the government has estimated Rs1,255 billion current expenditures for settled areas including Rs288.514 billion for provincial salaries, Rs288.609 billion tehsil salaries, Rs190.297 billion for pension, Rs334.028 billion for non-salary expenses, Rs65.657 billion on Medical Teaching Institutions (MTIs), Rs37.545 billion non-salary expenditure for tehsils, Rs40.350 billion capital expenditure and Rs10 billion under the head of "other ways and means". Similarly, the current expenditure of merged areas is estimated at Rs160 billion, including Rs56.842 billion for provincial salaries, Rs46.865 billion for tehsil salaries, Rs4.670 billion for pension, Rs24.285 billion for non-salary expenses, Rs17 billion for TDPs and Rs10.339b non-salary tehsil expenditure.