The fatal failure of SA's political opposition
While the creation of our first national coalition government was supposed to be a major change in government, it has also led to major changes in the opposition benches. Despite the fact that the coalition has failed to improve the lives of most South Africans, parties that oppose it have failed to make much headway.
South Africa's 2024 elections led to the biggest changes in the opposition benches.
The Democratic Alliance (DA), which had become very effective in opposition, was suddenly in government (and taking many of its oppositional habits into the Union Buildings).
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
A party (MK) which had never been represented in Parliament before was suddenly the Official Opposition. And was led by someone who himself had never been an MP.
The previous time John Hlophe had been mentioned in the National Assembly was the day he became the first judge to be impeached in the democratic era.
The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), used to being able to make noise as the third-biggest party, found itself in a reduced role, even though its greater parliamentary experience has made it more effective than the uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party.
And there are several smaller parties who have both tried to be oppositional to the coalition, and flirted with joining it.
It is perhaps the greatest indictment of our opposition parties that despite the fact the coalition has delivered GDP growth of just 0.1%, they cannot craft an effective message.
A major part of this has been the divided nature of the MK party.
Considering President Jacob Zuma's history of a lust for personal power and for wrecking institutions, this was always going to be the case.
The revolving door of people in the position of secretary-general has surely created massive instability.
It was also entirely predictable that the trio of Zuma, Hlophe and Floyd Shivambu was going to be about as stable as the Trump-Musk relationship.
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
Zuma also had very few people to choose from.
The fact he had to appoint someone like Mzwanele Manyi to the position of Chief Whip and then demote him is proof of that.
Probably only one other individual has said more and contributed less to our politics than he.
Meanwhile, Hlophe has appeared to battle with the transition from being a judge, where your instructions are simply obeyed, to leading a parliamentary caucus, where people must be persuaded.
He has also not been able to deliver a single speech in Parliament that has captured the public imagination.
For the Leader of the Opposition, a constitutionally mandated position, this is a massive failure. Parliamentary speeches are a massive platform for the opposition and the leader of that party should be able to use it effectively.
However, as has been said many times, MK's real problem is that there is no internal democracy and thus no durable legitimate structures.
It is unlikely that this will change and thus unlikely that it will become a more effective opposition.
The EFF has shown itself to be more effective than MK, partly because its members have more parliamentary experience and partly because its leader, Julius Malema, is prepared to be in Parliament and thus use its platform (unlike Zuma).
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
That said, it still appears as if the EFF has not yet got over the shock of being relegated to the position of fourth-largest political party.
Certainly, Malema appears to be unable to grab the political agenda in a way he did, say, five years ago.
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
Even though videos featuring him were shown during President Cyril Ramaphosa's Oval Office meeting with President Donald Trump, he was unable to really insert himself into that story.
It may be that Malema's previous focus, on attacking first Zuma and then Ramaphosa so personally, has turned into a strategic weakness.
Ramaphosa is not as powerful as he was and, while he may symbolise the coalition government, Malema has been unable to turn him into a hate figure.
Crucially, Malema announced at the start of this Parliament that he would no longer disrupt proceedings as he had in the past.
So far, he has not been able to come up with a new tactic, or a new line of attack that has really given him traction.
One of the more intriguing dynamics of this period has been the role of some of the smaller parties that are not formally in the government coalition.
ActionSA has found itself in a position where it can at times support the coalition or the ANC, and then oppose it.
In the hours after ActionSA took the decision to vote with the ANC to support the fiscal framework of Budget 2.0, the party's Athol Trollip was incredibly honest when asked if ActionSA would now join the coalition.
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
He summed up the situation for the party when he said: 'If the DA leaves the GNU [Government of National Unity], whether they get kicked out or they decide to leave, the opposition space is going to get crowded and we will have to take a strategic decision. Will we still make an impact in opposition, or must we look at perhaps going into government? But that depends on the GNU, whether they want us there or not. We will wait and see, but we will make a strategic decision where we can make the greatest impact.'
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
This revealed the options the party was dealing with in essence.
But it also meant that when the ANC and the DA found each for Budget 3.0, ActionSA had to be content in the opposition benches, despite the fact voters would have known it considered joining the ANC.
Build One South Africa, meanwhile, has appeared to struggle to gain traction with a consistent message. Its leader, Mmusi Maimane, has made regular media appearances and often provided principled opposition to government proposals. But it is hard to know if they have been able to really change government policy or win more votes.
So far, it seems the coalition government has completely failed to make a difference to the lives of most people.
Parties in opposition have failed too; they have not yet provided a credible alternative for voters. DM
advertisement
Don't want to see this? Remove ads
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Citizen
2 hours ago
- The Citizen
Cartoon of the day: 9 June 2025
Not all comrades are equal. While South Africa celebrates the winners of this year's Comrades Marathon, the political comrades are far from winning the country they run. Tete Dijana won his third Comrades Marathon Down Run on Sunday, beating last year's champion Piet Wiersma. In the ladies' race, Gerda Steyn won her fourth Comrades Marathon title. She finished ahead of Russia's Alexandra Morozova, while Shelmisth Muriuki became the first Kenyan woman to make the marathon's podium, finishing in third place. Steyn became only the second woman, after Russian athlete Elena Nurgalieva, to win the race more than three times. 'So many things have to go right in the lead-up to the race, and in your life, to get to the point where you're in the finishing straight, just about to win the Comrades. 'It takes so many pieces of the puzzle for that to happen, and that moment is short, but it is so meaningful and impactful. So I try and share it a bit because that moment is so big you can't experience it all by holding it in yourself,' she said after the race. ALSO READ: 'It changes me': Emotional Gerda Steyn delighted with fourth Comrades win Comrades of the worst kind Meanwhile, comrades of a different kind have been competing for political moemishes. Jacob Zuma last week reminded the country that his MK party is still incredibly divided after it redeployed secretary-general Floyd Shivambu over his visit to Malawi and fugitive pastor Shepherd Bushiri. EFF leader Julius Malema reacted to his former deputy's troubles but had drama of his own. US President Donald Trump's advisor, Pastor Mark Burns, last week called on Malema to apologise for singing 'Kill the Boer.' SA President Cyril Ramaphosa has also been battering off critics, this time of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). On Friday, he questioned whether their opposition was rooted in 'greed' or 'jealousy'. Meanwhile, Mineral and Petroleum Resources Minister Gwede Mantashe is still licking his political wounds after his son was appointed chairperson of the Manufacturing, Engineering and Related Services Seta board, and then dismissed amid public outcry. NOW READ: 'We should be grateful we have a government that listens': Ramaphosa says Seta board appointments a 'mistake'
IOL News
3 hours ago
- IOL News
Gayton McKenzie: 'If I were President, I would scrap BEE and start an empowerment bank'
Minister of Sports, Arts and Culture Gayton McKenzie proposes bold reforms, criticizes Black millionaires for lacking community investment, and blames illegal immigration for unemployment, urging South Africans to embrace 'unpopular decisions' for collective growth. Image: File Patriotic Alliance (PA) leader and Minister of Sport, Arts and Culture, Gayton McKenzie, says if he were made president, he would completely scrap the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) policy. He was speaking at the Black Business Council Summit on Friday. Instead, he proposes replacing it with a single empowerment bank, funded by a mandatory contribution of 1% of turnover from all white-owned businesses and previously empowered individuals. 'You can't build wealth without collateral,' McKenzie said. He believes the new bank would provide loans where 'your blackness will be your collateral. Your black skin.' According to him, this model avoids the counterproductive practice of forced partnerships, such as the 26% equity expectations under current BEE frameworks. 'Instead of telling white people, come make me a 26% partner, I will not do that. That's not business. That's counterproductive.' McKenzie highlighted that the new bank would enforce accountability, mentorship, and evidence of impact before extending further loans. On the current implementation of BEE, he is critical of how it's benefited a small elite rather than addressing broad economic disparities. 'BEE has not failed. We have failed BEE, and I'm including myself in all the Black millionaires today.' 'It is the same people doing deal after deal, and that is the truth. We can't run away from it.' He said black business leaders have become complicit, often choosing repeated partnerships over building independent ventures, even after attaining significant wealth. 'You do a deal, you're no longer poor; you are now a dollar millionaire, yet you still insist on becoming a partner in a business that a white man has built. That's a conversation we don't want to hear.' McKenzie drew a contrast with the Jewish community, suggesting that Black millionaires should show similar communal responsibility, especially in addressing the country's staggering Black unemployment. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading 'We have so many black millionaires, but we have the highest unemployment rate. We just get more, we get more, but you're not even giving back to where you stay.' On illegal immigration, he blames the national budget deficit and service delivery failures on unaccounted foreign nationals. ''The ANC is getting an F, but they don't deserve an F. The ANC should be getting a D. But the reason why they don't deserve, don't know why they're getting an F, because they budget for South Africans. ''Mabahambe, and you will see jobs will appear.' 'Two million of them have jobs, waiters, whatever. So when we chase them away, immediately we have two million jobs for locals.' He says South Africa is budgeting for people not counted in the census, which causes direct economic strain. Ultimately, McKenzie argued that real empowerment comes not from forced partnerships, but from building institutions and taking 'unpopular decisions' that directly benefit the broader Black population. 'Let us get rich, all of us, but let's take the unpopular decisions. Mabahambe.' Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel IOL Politics
Daily Maverick
7 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
The fatal failure of SA's political opposition
While the creation of our first national coalition government was supposed to be a major change in government, it has also led to major changes in the opposition benches. Despite the fact that the coalition has failed to improve the lives of most South Africans, parties that oppose it have failed to make much headway. South Africa's 2024 elections led to the biggest changes in the opposition benches. The Democratic Alliance (DA), which had become very effective in opposition, was suddenly in government (and taking many of its oppositional habits into the Union Buildings). advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads A party (MK) which had never been represented in Parliament before was suddenly the Official Opposition. And was led by someone who himself had never been an MP. The previous time John Hlophe had been mentioned in the National Assembly was the day he became the first judge to be impeached in the democratic era. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), used to being able to make noise as the third-biggest party, found itself in a reduced role, even though its greater parliamentary experience has made it more effective than the uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party. And there are several smaller parties who have both tried to be oppositional to the coalition, and flirted with joining it. It is perhaps the greatest indictment of our opposition parties that despite the fact the coalition has delivered GDP growth of just 0.1%, they cannot craft an effective message. A major part of this has been the divided nature of the MK party. Considering President Jacob Zuma's history of a lust for personal power and for wrecking institutions, this was always going to be the case. The revolving door of people in the position of secretary-general has surely created massive instability. It was also entirely predictable that the trio of Zuma, Hlophe and Floyd Shivambu was going to be about as stable as the Trump-Musk relationship. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Zuma also had very few people to choose from. The fact he had to appoint someone like Mzwanele Manyi to the position of Chief Whip and then demote him is proof of that. Probably only one other individual has said more and contributed less to our politics than he. Meanwhile, Hlophe has appeared to battle with the transition from being a judge, where your instructions are simply obeyed, to leading a parliamentary caucus, where people must be persuaded. He has also not been able to deliver a single speech in Parliament that has captured the public imagination. For the Leader of the Opposition, a constitutionally mandated position, this is a massive failure. Parliamentary speeches are a massive platform for the opposition and the leader of that party should be able to use it effectively. However, as has been said many times, MK's real problem is that there is no internal democracy and thus no durable legitimate structures. It is unlikely that this will change and thus unlikely that it will become a more effective opposition. The EFF has shown itself to be more effective than MK, partly because its members have more parliamentary experience and partly because its leader, Julius Malema, is prepared to be in Parliament and thus use its platform (unlike Zuma). advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads That said, it still appears as if the EFF has not yet got over the shock of being relegated to the position of fourth-largest political party. Certainly, Malema appears to be unable to grab the political agenda in a way he did, say, five years ago. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads Even though videos featuring him were shown during President Cyril Ramaphosa's Oval Office meeting with President Donald Trump, he was unable to really insert himself into that story. It may be that Malema's previous focus, on attacking first Zuma and then Ramaphosa so personally, has turned into a strategic weakness. Ramaphosa is not as powerful as he was and, while he may symbolise the coalition government, Malema has been unable to turn him into a hate figure. Crucially, Malema announced at the start of this Parliament that he would no longer disrupt proceedings as he had in the past. So far, he has not been able to come up with a new tactic, or a new line of attack that has really given him traction. One of the more intriguing dynamics of this period has been the role of some of the smaller parties that are not formally in the government coalition. ActionSA has found itself in a position where it can at times support the coalition or the ANC, and then oppose it. In the hours after ActionSA took the decision to vote with the ANC to support the fiscal framework of Budget 2.0, the party's Athol Trollip was incredibly honest when asked if ActionSA would now join the coalition. advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads He summed up the situation for the party when he said: 'If the DA leaves the GNU [Government of National Unity], whether they get kicked out or they decide to leave, the opposition space is going to get crowded and we will have to take a strategic decision. Will we still make an impact in opposition, or must we look at perhaps going into government? But that depends on the GNU, whether they want us there or not. We will wait and see, but we will make a strategic decision where we can make the greatest impact.' advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads This revealed the options the party was dealing with in essence. But it also meant that when the ANC and the DA found each for Budget 3.0, ActionSA had to be content in the opposition benches, despite the fact voters would have known it considered joining the ANC. Build One South Africa, meanwhile, has appeared to struggle to gain traction with a consistent message. Its leader, Mmusi Maimane, has made regular media appearances and often provided principled opposition to government proposals. But it is hard to know if they have been able to really change government policy or win more votes. So far, it seems the coalition government has completely failed to make a difference to the lives of most people. Parties in opposition have failed too; they have not yet provided a credible alternative for voters. DM advertisement Don't want to see this? Remove ads
