Latest news with #MK
The Citizen
3 hours ago
- Politics
- The Citizen
'We would have no country left if Zuma, MKP didn't fighT'
An intense battle is playing out in the Apex Court. The Constitutional Court has heard that there would be 'no country left' if former president Jacob Zuma and the MK party (MKP)did not fight the Madlanga inquiry into KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) police chief Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi's allegations of criminal infiltration into the South African justice system. An intense battle is playing out in the Apex Court, with Zuma challenging President Cyril Ramaphosa's decision to place Minister of Police Senzo Mchunu on special leave and appoint Wits law Professor Feroz Cachalia as acting police minister. Chief Justice Mandisa Maya and Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga were not part of the bench hearing the matter on Wednesday. Concerns Dali Mpofu, representing Zuma, argued that the leave of absence granted to Mchunu is central to the MK party's case because if it had not been granted, there would be no need to appoint Cachalia in an acting position. According to the MK party, Mkhwanazi's accusations 'raise urgent and serious concerns around the constitution, the rule of law and national security'. While Ramaphosa said he had placed Mchunu on special leave to allow the Madlanga Commission to properly investigate the claims, Mpofu said questions need to be raised about whether 'another multibillion rand commission' was 'in the best interests of our people'. 'Is it in the best interests of the people to have two police ministers?… With one sitting at home while the other serves in an acting position,' Mpofu asked. ALSO READ: Zuma says Ramaphosa has no constitutional power to suspend Mchunu Why not the High Court? Justice Leana Theron asked Mpofu to explain why Zuma and the MK party could not have brought their challenge in the high court and asked him to specifically refer her to where they address this in their court papers. According to Mpofu, the case deals with 'crisp' constitutional issues that would inevitably result in the apex court dealing with this matter anyway. Mpofu argued that if the Zuma and the MK party had taken the time required to go through the court system with the application, 'we would have no country left'. [WATCH] Advocate Dali Mpofu has criticised the President's decision to establish another commission of inquiry, arguing that it's not in the public's best interest. — SABC News (@SABCNews) July 30, 2025 Implications Ramaphosa, in his heads of argument, said the urgent application initiated by Zuma directly to the Constitutional Court without approaching lower courts will have 'far-reaching and punishing consequences' for the apex court. 'Despite this, the Court has been asked by the applicants to convene itself on hyper urgent timelines, and to determine alone, and finally, the meaning of constitutional provisions that will have far-reaching consequences for the exercise of power by the president well into the future'. Madlanga Commission Mpofu also criticised Ramaphosa's decision to establish another commission of inquiry, arguing that it's not in the public's best interest. 'Is it in the best interest of our people that we have yet another multibillion commission which may or may not yield any outcomes, so that, as I will demonstrate, you know, the community and the public can be sanitised and numbed into forgetting by the time the commission report comes in three, four years time, everyone would have forgotten what the issues are. 'Is that in the best interest of our people? Is it in the best interest of our people to have two ministers holding effectively the same portfolio being paid over the next three, four years, two salaries, one sitting at home doing nothing, the other one acting in his place cannot ever be in the best interest of our people.' Mpofu argued. Mchunu suspension In the head of arguments filed at the Constitutional Court, Ramaphosa defended his decision to place Mchunu on a leave of absence and appoint Cachalia, saying it is to protect the integrity of law enforcement agencies and to safeguard public trust. He justified the additional expenditure in appointing Cachalia as necessary to maintain the legitimacy and integrity of the criminal justice system during the investigation into the serious allegations against Mchunu. During proceedings, Mpofu argued that the 'problem' with Ramaphosa is that he is trying to have his 'cake and eat it' in that he wants to appoint Cachalia as an acting minister while simultaneously 'saving his ally' Mchunu and allowing him to continue receiving a salary and benefits. ALSO READ: Here's why Zuma's MK party wants Ramaphosa removed in 'urgent' motion of no confidence No ally Mpofu said Ramaphosa cannot do both, and if he wants Cachalia, he must fire Mchunu. However, Ramaphosa in his papers denied in the 'strongest terms' that his decision to place Mchunu on special leave rather than dismissing him amounted to special treatment of an ally. 'This allegation is based on pure speculation and conjecture. I deny it in the strongest terms. I have dealt with Minister Mchunu in accordance with my constitutional powers, having exercised my judgment regarding the appropriate course of action to adopt in the particular circumstances of this case. 'Far from revealing bias on my part, the establishment of a commission of inquiry into the allegations reveals the seriousness with which I take the allegations against Minister Mchunu,' Ramaphosa said. Cachalia Justice Zukisa Tshiqi questioned Mpofu about his argument that Ramaphosa's appointment of Cachalia as an acting minister is unconstitutional. She pointed out that Ramaphosa has the power to appoint ministers outside the National Assembly, which he accepts. Tshiqi asked Mpofu whether, once Cachalia is appointed, 'he then becomes part of the Cabinet' and is therefore legally appointed. Mpofu agreed that Ramaphosa had the power to appoint Cachalia as the police minister. 'What he did not have the power to do was appoint him to an acting position'. [WATCH] [WATCH] Representing the uMkhonto weSizwe Party at the Constitutional Court, Anton Katz argues that Chapter 5 of the Constitution grants no power to suspend, only to appoint or dismiss with nothing in between. — SABC News (@SABCNews) July 30, 2025 No power Representing the MK party at the Constitutional Court, Anton Katz argued that Chapter 5 of the constitution grants no power to suspend, only to appoint or dismiss, with nothing in between. Katz is adamant that there is no power for the president to suspend ministers in the constitution, nor can an acting minister be appointed. 'There is no power to suspend, it's a point of dismissal, nothing in between. There is no such thing as an acting minister; these ideas are an enigma to the notion of what a minister does in the South African context under Chapter Five of the constitution.' Chapter 5 of the constitution deals with the president and the National Executive. It outlines the roles, powers, and responsibilities of the president and the Cabinet. The MK party wants the court to decide urgently on the matter because Cachalia will assume office on 1 August. ALSO READ: Ramaphosa appoints Gwede Mantashe as acting police minister
The Citizen
7 hours ago
- Politics
- The Citizen
WATCH LIVE: Zuma vs Ramaphosa ConCourt procedings
Jacob Zuma and the MK party are seeking to invalidate President Cyril Ramaphosa's decision to place Senzo Mchunu on a leave of absence and appoint Feroz Cachalia. An intense battle is playing out in the Constitutional Court as the MK party and its leader, former president Jacob Zuma, challenge President Cyril Ramaphosa. This follows Ramaphosa's decision to place Minister of Police Senzo Mchunu on special leave and appoint Wits law professor Feroz Cachalia as acting police minister. Zuma said Ramaphosa 'openly dodges' the clear distinction between the power to appoint a minister and the different power to appoint an acting minister. The apex court has agreed to hear the matter on Wednesday, 30 July. WATCH: MK party vs President Ramaphosa in court ALSO READ: Zuma takes on Ramaphosa in another ConCourt battle
IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
The Dolphin Unit: A Legacy of Resistance in Apartheid South Africa
(From left) The Dolphin Unit's Iqbal Shaikh, Mohamed Ismail, Aboobaker Ismail and ANC veteran Mac Maharaj at the TRC hearings on May 7, 1998. Image: Supplied For over three decades, the remarkable story of Umkhonto we Sizwe's Special Operations Unit has remained largely untold. Formed under the direct command of ANC president Oliver Tambo and senior ANC and SACP leader Joe Slovo, this elite unit executed some of the most daring and high-profile attacks against the apartheid state in the 1980s. In this groundbreaking book by ANC and SACP activist Yunus Carrim, the history of Special Ops is brought to life through the voices of its surviving participants. This is an account of the Dolphin Unit that conducted some of MK's most successful military operations Neighbours and friends With 35 operations between 1982 and 1988 and a role in the ANC's Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK's) ordnance division from then until 1993, the Dolphin Unit was one of the longest-surviving and most successful MK units. Initially made up of Iqbal Shaikh and Mohamed Ismail, it became a one-person unit of Shaikh from 1985. Born in 1958, Shaikh was raised in Vrededorp, Johannesburg. He came from 'a typical apolitical trading family. When all the clan gathered at Granny's kitchen table, political conversations were avoided. If a topic had political undertones, the elders would shrug it off, citing how important the family business was and almost always referring to the atrocities that could befall us if the blacks took over. The Durban 1949 race riots inevitably came up, followed by the Uganda story, where Amin expelled the Indians. 'At Grandpa's two busy dress shops, where we kids came daily to meet our parents after school, we knew to greet any white customer as Goeie môre, Baas or Meisie and never to take offence at the Ja, coolie reply.' Shaikh's stepfather had a dairy delivery business. 'When I reached the gate of the houses, the incessant barking of dogs, followed by the little white kids 'Ma, die melkkoelie is hier [Mother, the milk-coolie is here]. 'We often complained to Papa about why we should address these dirty, bare-footed, little white kids with respect, whilst they called us 'coolie'. Papa would urge us to ignore them and remind us how important white customers were.' From fifteen onwards, Shaik got involved in fights, joined a gang, truanted, left school at sixteen, and found an administrative job. Vrededorp had a tradition of Congress activities. Underground ANC activist Ahmed Timol's death in detention impacted Shaikh. And when the 1976 Soweto uprising erupted, Shaikh was upset at the brutality of white policemen. He moved to Durban to live with an aunt and go back to school. At the M L Sultan Technical College, he was propelled into a student leader position. It was around the food and other conditions at the residences. Later, the sectarian and class divisions among and between Muslim, Hindi-speaking and Tamil-speaking Hindu students. His interventions helped to encourage more contact between students across the divides. When the 1980 student boycott fizzled out, Shaikh felt that the Natal Indian Congress and the parents' moderation contributed to this. Disappointed, he quit college. He returned to Johannesburg and linked up with 'Chacha' – Mohamed Ismail. Shaikh's family lived near his family. They used to play 'cowboys and crooks, hide and seek, and more'. Born in 1953, Chacha 'could see the injustice, police brutality, whites beating up black people walking in the street, and nothing happened. Mozambique became independent, and the political climate was changing. It was necessary as a Muslim and self-styled socialist to become politically active against apartheid.' Through Prema Naidoo and others, he became politically active in the Transvaal Indian Congress. Former ANC Member of Parliament Yunus Carrim narrates the untold stories of the ANC's MK Special Operations Unit. Image: Supplied Joining MK's Special Ops Shaikh threw himself into civic and political struggles in Lenasia. There was constant tension between the Black Consciousness (BC) and Congress activists. The militancy of BC activists suited Shaikh's temperament and brand of politics. But he finally opted for the 'Congressites', influenced by the politics in the Naidoo household. He increasingly felt that 'this mass politics is not for me. I want to go to the next level. It was convenient to be in mass politics and not the armed struggle because that was a harder option.' So, he approached Chacha to link him to the ANC. Chacha's brother, Aboobaker Ismail, had joined MK and would at times meet their parents in Swaziland. In September 1981, Chacha took Shaikh with them. In a hotel room, Ismail (MK: Rashid) ran a tap, switched on the television and asked them to sit away from the window. This was their first lesson in underground activity. They were trained then and on subsequent trips on urban guerrilla warfare, including the use of limpet mines and pistols. MK operatives created a hidden compartment in a Peugeot for them to transport weapons in. On their first attempt, as Shaikh and Chacha got to the border, it was 'very tense, we had sweaty palms, but you had to keep your composure. There was silence at the border, each with his thoughts. When we were barely three minutes over the border into South Africa, we erupted spontaneously into emotional yelling and handshakes. Perhaps the best high five in all my life!' They would bury the weapons in dead letter boxes (DLBs), mainly in Lenasia. 'It was backbreaking work. We weren't used to manual work. The gardeners did that. Now we had to dig up hard ground in the dark of the Highveld winter. It's work fraught with difficulties, sometimes more dangerous than hitting the target.' The Dolphin Unit Called the Dolphin Unit, they started with low-level targets in December 1982, and with experience, took on bigger targets. These included police and army offices, railway lines, electricity pylons, government buildings, the Ciskei consulate, big businesses that fired workers, a fuel depot and more*. On 10 October 1983, President PW Botha was to address a Kruger Day gathering in the Warmbaths civic centre. The unit decided to hit the civic centre and a fuel depot about a kilometre away. 'The night before the operation, on their dry run, an aggressive white man blocked a café entrance and shouted at Chacha, 'Koelie, wat doen jy hier [Coolie, what are you doing here]?' 'We passively passed by and bought our snacks for the road home. Walking back. I told Chacha you should have replied, 'Baas, ek doen niks vanaand, maar ek kom weer môre [Boss, I'm not doing anything tonight, but I'll be back tomorrow].' We laughed and returned home.' The fuel depot was damaged at about 02:20, but the limpet at the civic centre was discovered and defused. Shaikh said, 'The regime claimed that highly trained terrorists [laughter] were involved and planned to annihilate the cream of society.' In late 1986, Shaikh and Chacha went to East Germany for training. On landing, the pilot announced their names and asked them to disembark. 'What's this about? I was scared there might be [apartheid] security branch guys among the passengers.' An East German government official came onto the plane and took them away in a Mercedes, followed by a military vehicle. 'It's everything we've seen in the movies. We were very surprised …' They were trained for three months. Shaikh observed 'all the little contradictions we'd heard about in Soviet-style communism. It was demoralising.' He later said that their 'special advantage was our mobility as Indians. We were less visible as MK operatives and less detectable than our African cadres.' In crossing the South African border, 'we would weaponise our ethnicity. We used apartheid racial profiling to our advantage. By neat business attire, briefcase with brochures, bank notes, samples of a commodity, politeness at all times, and half a dozen samoosas ready on hand, nobody suspected. This was no passport to freedom, but it helped.' While helping out in the family takeaway business, it was easy for Shaikh to reconnoitre targets in the city centre. 'I often wore a toppie and kurta to disguise what I was doing. I was almost rubbing shoulders in the passageways with people linked to my targets, who would never think that I could be in MK.' He could plant limpet bombs inside buildings during work hours to go off at night, when there was nobody around. In communicating with Rashid over the phone, they would use coded words in Gujarati. Being part of a gang as a teenager and a streetfighter, as well as his instinct for challenging authority, contributed to Shaikh's success as a guerrilla. His temperament also drew him to the armed struggle. His impatience with mass struggles, the endless speech-making of leaders, the trade-offs and the failure to get more results more quickly all steered him into the armed struggle. His faith in the armed struggle drove him to be results-driven. He certainly had an adventurous, daring spirit. Shaikh's long association with Rashid and Chacha as neighbours and a shared cultural background made for a level of trust. 'Igs [Shaikh] had that X-factor,' says Farouk Farista, who worked with him in ordnance 'To have the ability to do what he did and survive takes a remarkable human being. And he did it on his own, which requires an incredible amount of tenacity. 'He thought through every single thing with incredible detail. He never took blind chances. He knew how to play it, and he was very smart about not exposing himself and not blowing his trumpet and taking credit.' Shaikh doesn't have a sense of entitlement. After 1994, he retreated from politics. He didn't seek a post in the state. I never felt owed. I didn't want anything because I did the bombings. I had no qualifications. I'm just an ordinary Fietas guy who got into the situation. * The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.
Daily Maverick
3 days ago
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
MK party rides Mkhwanazi, Budget fallout on march to 2026 polls amid its own power struggle
The uMkhonto Wesizwe party is capitalising on the Budget fallout and its support for Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi to attract voters, all while battling friction inside the party. With the growing public support for KwaZulu-Natal provincial police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, the uMkhonto Wesizwe (MK) party says it is 'more resolute than ever' in its bid to govern KwaZulu-Natal. The party has spent months trying to take control of the province's governance, so far without success. It is now seemingly using its nationwide campaign in support of Mkhwanazi, and is also calling for President Cyril Ramaphosa's resignation and Police Minister Senzo Mchunu's removal, as part of its broader 2026 local government elections campaign. But first, the party wants to revisit its initial plans to take over the province where it got the most votes after the 2024 elections. One of the ways the party sought to take over was through a motion of no confidence that it wanted to bring against the incumbent premier, Thami Ntuli. However, this did not materialise, since MK did not have the buy-in of parties such as the National Freedom Party (NFP). The MK party emerged as the biggest political party in the province after the 29 May elections, winning 37 seats in the 80-seat KZN legislature, followed by the IFP, which won 15 seats, the ANC (14), the DA (11), the EFF (two) and the NFP (one). The party's decision to contest the election results delayed coalition talks and gave the IFP, ANC, DA and NFP an opportunity to form a governing coalition with a combined 41 seats, ultimately leaving the MK party out in the cold. Daily Maverick understands that the talks are now back on, though it remains unclear whether they will succeed. National spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela said: 'We are more resolute than ever to govern and to take power. We're more intentional than ever because we can see that these people are fumbling; they don't know what they're doing right now,' Ndhlela said. To govern the province with a majority the party would need just four seats in addition to the 37 it already has. Although the MK leaders would not go into detail about the party's plans to take over the province, IFP president Velenkosini Hlabisa rallied behind the government of provincial unity (GPU) this week, saying it was holding tight and had made significant strides. 'We believe our impact can be felt at every level but in particular on crime reduction and economic development.' The NFP's president, Irvin Barnes, could not be reached for comment by the time of publication. The MK's nationwide ' Hands off Mkhwanazi ' marches in support of the police commissioner come three weeks after explosive allegations of criminal syndicates and political meddling in the South African Police Service. The anti-corruption campaign is gaining momentum, especially in KwaZulu‑Natal and Gauteng, and the party seems to be using it to position itself as credible. However, many of its own members are themselves embroiled in serious allegations of corruption. MK in Parliament The party has faced criticism of its performance as the official opposition in Parliament. It is now capitalising on the Budget fallout and Mkhwanazi's backing to attract voters and boost its campaign. An MK member in the KZN legislature said the party was getting a warm welcome from communities in the province for its 'principled stance' on Mkhwanazi. 'People have long seen the ANC of Ramaphosa for what it is and we can see this clearly when we engage communities. They are tired of corruption and empty promises. They are now coming to terms with the fact that MKP is the only party that can bring change,' he said. KwaZulu-Natal is the ANC's largest province by membership, but it was the hardest hit by the rise of the MK party. Its share of the provincial vote dropped from 54.22% in 2019 to 16.99% in 2024. The party was then reduced from a commanding position to only 14 seats in the 80-seat provincial legislature. This forced it to become a weaker partner in the GPU. In the first democratic election in 1994, the IFP won control of KZN with just more than 50% of the provincial vote, against the ANC's 32%. The ANC won the province for the first time in 2004 when Jacob Zuma was the party's deputy president. In 2014, when Zuma was president, it increased its share of the vote to 64% before dropping back to 54% in 2019 after Zuma resigned as president in 2018. Ultimately, political analysts believe that although the MK party's stance may be principled, it also serves as an effective campaign strategy. Although the party seeks to present a united and disciplined front, its internal dynamics suggest otherwise, specifically as several key positions remain vacant. The last position to become vacant is that of the secretary-general, often seen as the engine in any party. It became vacant after Floyd Shivambu was removed from the position over his controversial trip to fugitive pastor Shepherd Bushiri's church in Malawi. No rush In June, Shivambu said that over the coming months he would consult various communities and groups to gauge whether he should launch his own political party. A senior MK member who spoke on condition of anonymity said: 'The president is not in a rush to take a decision [on a replacement for Shivambu]. He is still applying his mind and in due time we will communicate it. There is really no rush.' Several names have been touted to take over the crucial position. Ndhlela was believed to be in the running for the top job but this was short-lived after he was removed from the party's whippery team in Parliament for disruptive behaviour by the party's deputy president, John Hlophe. This leaves Phumlani Mfeka, one of the party's founding members, as Shivambu's potential successor. Backing a high-profile figure like Mkhwanazi allows the party to send a strong message to both its supporters and its political rivals, one of seriousness, order and future readiness, according to political analyst Ntsikelelo Breakfast. But Breakfast believes this is not enough, because voters want action and structure. Just last week, five of the party's provincial legislature members defied their newly appointed chief whip, Bonginkosi Mngadi, by voting against the Revenue Bill. March to the Union Buildings On 18 July, hundreds of MK supporters marched from Church Square in Pretoria's inner city to the Union Buildings, where they submitted a memorandum of demands. Although Mkhwanazi's allegations are yet to be proven, the party's spokesperson in Gauteng, Abel Tau, said MK is urging the President to take decisive action against individuals implicated in interfering with police operations, referencing Mchunu. 'These are serious allegations that were not made by some lunatic on the street but by a career police officer who is well decorated. Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi has done his work. We believe he… knows what the implications are.' Meanwhile, MK's Youth League president, Qiniso Cibane, said: 'We are saying Mkhwanazi must be given a second term so he can help clean up our province. 'We are also saying Ramaphosa must be honourable and resign. He has failed the young people of this country.' Cibane used the same march to urge the party supporters to vote for MK at the 2026 polls. 'Next year we are heading to the elections. Let us go and tell everyone we know to vote for the MK. Let us not rush for positions, vote for the party and not a person. The MK party belongs to the people, not one person,' he told the crowd. Ndhlela was confident that the marches would yield positive results. 'The last time we marched against VAT, you saw what happened. People must not underestimate uMkhonto Wesizwe.' DM
The Citizen
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Citizen
ConCourt sets date for MK party's case against Ramaphosa over Mchunu
Former President Jacob Zuma and the MK party are seeking to invalidate Ramaphosa's decision to place Mchunu on a leave. The Constitutional Court has set down a date to hear the MK party's urgent application against President Cyril Ramaphosa to place Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on leave. Former President Jacob Zuma and the MK party are seeking to invalidate Ramaphosa's decision to place Mchunu on a leave of absence and appoint Wits law Professor Firoz Cachalia as acting police minister. They are also challenging Ramaphosa's establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry to investigate allegations of corruption in the police. 'Applicants must file heads of argument by Sunday, 27 July 2025, at 14h00. Respondents must file heads of argument by Monday, 28 July 2025, at 14h00,' the court directed. The matter has been set down for Wednesday, 30 July at 11am. ALSO READ: Zuma says Ramaphosa has no constitutional power to suspend Mchunu Allegations KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) Provincial Commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi made explosive allegations during a media briefing this month, accusing Mchunu and Deputy National Commissioner for Crime Detection, Shadrack Sibiya, of political interference in police operations. In Ramaphosa's answering affidavit on Wednesday, the president argued that the constitution gives him 'a wide berth as to how to deal with ministers' 'It is clear that I am empowered to place a minister on special leave when there are serious allegations… so that those allegations can be properly investigated,' said Ramaphosa. However, Zuma argues there's no express constitutional power allowing Ramaphosa to impose special leave on Mchunu. ALSO READ: Ramaphosa motion of no confidence: MK party requests secret ballot Zuma challenge Zuma said there are details in Ramaphosa's affidavit that Mchunu will not return as minister of police after the commission of inquiry. 'There is nothing said in the president's affidavit which justified placing Minister Mchunu on 'special leave' and thereby causing him to retain his ministerial title, salary and other perks or privileges at the expense of the long-suffering taxpayer'. Feroz Cacahlia Zuma said Ramaphosa 'openly dodges' the clear distinction between the power to appoint a minister and the different power to appoint an acting minister. 'The two are plainly not the same. The obfuscatory reference to the credentials of Prof Cachalia is nothing but deflection. For the record, no issue is taken against the professor's credentials… The issue is whether he was constitutionally qualified to be appointed by the president. The answer is that he was not.' Zuma also challenged Mchunu's version of events, portraying it as 'evasive and legally flawed', saying the minister's affidavit is a 'masterclass in evasion – it skirts the core allegations and offers no constitutional basis for the executive's conduct.' ALSO READ: Here's why Zuma's MK party wants Ramaphosa removed in 'urgent' motion of no confidence
