logo
How a British critic of the Catholic Church became holier than a saint

How a British critic of the Catholic Church became holier than a saint

Telegrapha day ago
The future King's article also referred to other aspects of Newman's life: his work as a writer; his flawed character, marked by pride and defensiveness; his vast body of writings, including 30 volumes of his collected letters; his warmth towards friends; his leadership of the Catholic community in England so soon after emancipation; and, above all, the way that he spoke up for the importance of individual conscience. Newman, the Anglican priest who became a Catholic cardinal, famously said: 'I shall drink to the Pope but to conscience first.'
This might seem surprising, given that Newman had joined a Church akin to a pyramid – with the Pope at its top, the figure of ultimate authority. But Newman was no subservient cleric.
Born in 1801, Newman was first ordained an Anglican priest in 1825, becoming a leader of the Oxford Movement that wanted to restore many of the Roman Catholic rituals practised in England before the Reformation. But it was not enough for him and he became a Roman Catholic at enormous personal cost – including him having to resign his teaching post at Oriel College, Oxford, losing friends, being reviled and getting embroiled in very public rows while defending the Catholic Church – until his death in 1890.
Becoming a Catholic did not end the controversies that beset Newman. His advocacy of more dialogue in the Catholic Church was criticised by other clerics, notably Henry Manning, Archbishop of Westminster (and also later a cardinal), who complained that Newman's problem was that he was somehow too English, taking with him into the Catholic Church an 'old Anglican, patristic, literary, Oxford tone'. Newman was not averse to criticising the Catholic Church for mistakes, not least its failure at that time to encourage different schools of theology.
Contentious arguments
Roderick Strange, author of several books on Newman, says that Newman 'felt there was a lack of healthy debate and argument among scholars' in the Catholic Church. Just as Newman had been more than ready to take on anti-Catholic criticism of people like Liberal politician William Gladstone and Charles Kingsley, author of The Water-Babies, he was happy to debate with Catholics who took issue with his views.
Among the most contentious of his arguments about the Catholic Church was that there should be a greater role for the laity in the Church – that they should be consulted when it came to doctrine. In one of his most famous works, On Consulting the Faithful in Matters of Doctrine, Newman argued that the laity would help develop doctrine, not as an ultimate authority, but as a source of insight and a way of testing teaching.
His concern about authority also led him to write to his friend Emily Bowles in 1863: 'The Holy See was but the court of ultimate appeal. Now, if I, as a private priest, put any thing into print, [the Vatican office] Propaganda answers me at once. How can I fight with such a chain on my arm? It is like the Persians driven on to fight under the lash. There was true private judgment in the primitive and medieval schools – there are no schools now, no private judgment (in the religious sense of the phrase) no freedom, that is, of opinion. That is, no exercise of the intellect.'
For many, used to the priest-dominated Church of the 19th century, such a view was shocking. But it went on to help shape the Catholic Church of both the last century and this.
This then, is the man that Pope Leo has announced is to be a Doctor of the Church: a loyal Catholic, yet a critic and a prophet. A cardinal who loved tradition yet understood the Church also needed to change. A man shaped by the Church of England and by his English experience of dialogue and debate. The Doctor ahead of his time with his prescription for the Church.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Spanish people know deadly heatwaves are now an annual event. So why are our politicians in denial?
Spanish people know deadly heatwaves are now an annual event. So why are our politicians in denial?

The Guardian

timean hour ago

  • The Guardian

Spanish people know deadly heatwaves are now an annual event. So why are our politicians in denial?

Growing up in Madrid, intense summer heat was nothing unusual. I quickly learned always to cross the street in search of shade, and never to be caught out in the sun at 3pm. But as a child in the early 1980s, I never felt dizzy after spending more than a few minutes outdoors, nor did I struggle to study or sleep at home because of the heat. Back then, air conditioning was a rarity, something only Americans had. But we were fine: the stuttering fan in my mother's Ford Fiesta was enough to keep us comfortable on holiday escapes from the capital. What is happening in Spain now goes far beyond discomfort. More than 1,500 deaths have already been linked to heatwaves this summer alone. Public-sector workers are collapsing from heatstroke on our city streets. Entire communities in the Madrid suburbs have been devastated by wildfires. On Monday, 198 weather stations recorded temperatures of 40C or higher. Following a record-breaking July, the first 20 days of August will probably be the warmest on record. Alongside housing, the climate crisis is Spain's most visible and most persistent problem: every summer reminds us of this. You can't ignore it, or escape it; so why are Spain's politicians still so reluctant to tackle the climate emergency? Fighting global heating is a worldwide challenge, but protecting populations against the consequences – with an awareness that Europe is heating faster than other continents – must also be a national and a local priority. Within Spain, the climate crisis too often becomes an excuse for superficial, party-political feuds. In the population at large, there has been years of broad popular consensus, but contrast that with Spain's politicians, for whom the issue has become increasingly partisan, with the right and the left fighting over totemic policies about cars and bikes. Even Spain's centre-left coalition government, led by Pedro Sánchez's Spanish Socialist Workers' party (PSOE), has taken only modest steps to reduce emissions from industry and transport. And as they do on other issues, the socialists rush to point the finger at regional and local governments run by the conservative People's party (PP), supported in some cases by the far-right Vox, which has pushed falsehoods and conspiracy theories about the climate crisis. It is true that Spain's regional and local governments, powerful and well funded, also bear great responsibility: for protecting the most vulnerable from extreme heat, adapting public spaces, planting trees and ensuring there is sufficient shade and water fountains. One urgent necessity is the creation of 'cool banks', especially for people in overcrowded and overheated homes, those with health vulnerabilities, the very young and the very old. Valencia has a network of these climate shelters, while Barcelona has mapped out hundreds of public spaces where people can escape the heat, from libraries to museums. But too many local governments are still failing to provide respite. Madrid is among the worst offenders. Public cooling centres are almost nonexistent, and shopping centres remain the most common refuge. The capital's conservative regional and local governments have been passive or even hostile towards public demands to reduce dangerous heat levels in neighbourhoods, with too few green spaces and too many cars. When Madrid's city hall does spend money, it often misses the point: the most absurd example is Puerta del Sol, the central square that after months of renovation work still feels like a concrete frying pan all summer. Only after protests did the city council finally install a few flimsy shades, at a cost of €1.5m. For those Madrileños who have the option, the traditional way to make August bearable has been to escape the city for the coast. My childhood memories of cooler summers visiting grandparents in northern Spain feel very distant now. The north still enjoys bearable nights and some rain in the summer, but heatwaves have become more frequent there too. The change is fast and visible, even in daily life. This year in the Basque country, beach bathing has been repeatedly banned because of the portuguese man o'war, a creature resembling a jellyfish, but one that is much more toxic and dangerous. Once confined to warmer Atlantic waters, it has only begun appearing here in recent years. On a recent walk along San Sebastián's beach, I spotted dozens, fortunately tiny, each circled in the sand to warn passersby. More medical resources and surveillance are now being devoted to this new threat – another example of the small everyday adaptations we are having to make. The most dramatic consequences of the climate crisis make headlines around the world: the tragic deaths of workers in vulnerable jobs, picking fruit or cleaning streets, and wildfires killing people, destroying homes and even a Roman-era mining site – now a burned-out Unesco world heritage site. But across Spain, the signs are everywhere: crops ruined by hail, high-speed trains disrupted, and neighbourhoods baking in the heat. This is the new reality we are living with. It has become a regular fixture in our calendars. A journalist colleague of mine observed earlier this year that the most important annual climate event for the media is not Cop, it's the summer. It was February in the northern hemisphere, and he was already preparing their annual heatwave coverage. My newsroom in Madrid does the same, with ever more sophisticated data and analysis. The frustrating question is why our politicians are still shrugging off this reality, as though it were just an inconvenience. How many broken records and how many heatwave deaths will it take to change this? María Ramírez is a journalist and the deputy managing editor of a news outlet in Spain

Pressure is building on Sir Keir Starmer to sack his trade envoy to Turkey over trip to northern Cyprus
Pressure is building on Sir Keir Starmer to sack his trade envoy to Turkey over trip to northern Cyprus

Daily Mail​

time2 hours ago

  • Daily Mail​

Pressure is building on Sir Keir Starmer to sack his trade envoy to Turkey over trip to northern Cyprus

Pressure was last night coming from within Labour for Keir Starmer to sack his trade envoy to Turkey over an unauthorised trip. Afzal Khan is back in the UK after a trip to the self-declared Turkish republic of northern Cyprus - a territory the UK, and most of the rest of the world, does not recognise. During his trip, the MP for Manchester Rusholme met Ersin Tatar, the leader of Turkish Cypriots, in his official residence. He posed for a photo with the leader, giving a suggestion of a bilateral meeting as opposed to a personal visit. After days of questions being asked by others, the Daily Mail understands the matter is being raised internally within Labour, with a sense of unhappiness as to how it has been allowed to escalate into a diplomatic spat and demands that No 10 act. Labour MPs are also believed to have raised the matter with ministers to channel the fury of Greek Cypriots over the trip. The official government of Cyprus said the visit last week was 'absolutely condemnable and unacceptable' and that UK officials should 'respect' their state. It also provoked an outcry from Greek Cypriots who have called for his dismissal over a breach of UN resolutions that forbid recognition of the territory's government. Mr Khan was due to receive a degree from a local university, but no announcement has been made, suggesting he may have been recalled by the UK Government or a news blackout was imposed, given the controversy. The trip is said to have been a 'personal' visit and ministers were not aware of the plans, raising further questions about whether he can remain in his job. Tory MP Sir Roger Gale, the honorary president of the all-party parliamentary group for Cyprus, said Sir Keir should sack Mr Khan. 'The UK has a responsibility as a guarantor power to Cyprus,' he added. 'His position as trade envoy is untenable.' Shadow foreign affairs minister Wendy Morton has written to ministers calling for the envoy to be removed from his role. 'This visit risks undermining the UK's credibility as a guarantor power and as an impartial interlocutor in settlement negotiations,' she said. Mr Tatar waded into the row this week by criticising the 'intolerant statements and excessive attacks made by the Greek Cypriot side'. A hardline nationalist who is close to Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan, he added that the visit was undertaken 'at my invitation'. Mr Tatar told Mr Khan he wanted to pursue a 'two-state solution' despite no international recognition of the seized territory, it was reported. Mr Khan replied that his friends of Cypriot origin living in Manchester had encouraged him to visit the island, adding: 'That is why I am happy to be here.' A government spokesman said last night the visit was 'undertaken in a personal capacity' and there was no change to the UK's long-standing position on the seized territory.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store