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Buying KC-130Js Key To Navy's Ability To Fight In Pacific: Reserve Boss

Buying KC-130Js Key To Navy's Ability To Fight In Pacific: Reserve Boss

Yahoo21-05-2025

The head of the U.S. Navy Reserve says that acquiring new C-130J Hercules aircraft is a top priority, particularly because of the critical organic aerial refueling capacity they could provide in a future Pacific fight. The Navy currently relies on U.S. Air Force tankers to provide aerial refueling support, fleets that are already strained by non-combat demands. Aging Navy Reserve C-130Ts already play key, if largely unsung, air refueling and logistics roles, including supporting deployed carrier strike groups by moving munitions, spare parts, and other cargoes to forward locations on land.
Chief of Navy Reserve Vice Adm. Nancy Lacore talked about the importance of new C-130Js, and of timely funding to purchase them, at multiple points during a hearing before members of the House Appropriations Committee yesterday. The Navy Reserve has 16 C-130Ts and 11 KC-130Ts, the latter of which are capable of being used as tankers, according to Naval Air Systems Command's (NAVAIR) website at the time of writing. Five more KC-130Ts are also in service with Navy test and evaluation units. The KC/C-130Ts first began entering Navy and Marine Corps service in the 1980s, and the latter service retired the last of its T variant Hercules aircraft in 2021 after transitioning to the more capable and otherwise improved J model.
'The C-130 is our number one equipment priority, and we are behind … for that recapitalization effort,' Lacore said. 'We started this recap journey in 2024, and we're behind … The plan was to be at 32 [C-130J] aircraft by 2030. We got one in [the budget in Fiscal Year 20]24, two in [Fiscal Year 20]25, and we're super grateful for them. But right now, for the out years, we need to be looking at six per year in order to get us where we need to go.'
'We have 27 aircraft right now, the Tangos, with an average age of 34 years and a mission-capable rate of 40 percent,' Lacore added. With new C-130Js, 'we also anticipate a 75 percent mission-capable rate, which will go a long way,' as well as 'doubling our sortie rate' and 'getting three times the service radius in combat.'
With a typical payload, the maximum ranges of the C-130H, from which the C-130T is derived, and the C-130J are 1,208 miles and 2,071 miles, respectively, per the U.S. Air Force. Total weight, including internal fuel, as well as operational considerations and other factors, all affect an aircraft's useful combat radius. The C-130J also has a higher top speed and altitude ceiling than the C-130H or T, which can help extend range, as well as reduce the time required to get from one point to another. It is worth noting that a portion of the Navy's KC/C-130T fleet has received new eight-bladed NP2000 propellers and other upgrades, as have certain Air Force C-130Hs, which do provide more limited performance and fuel efficiency boosts, as you can read more about here. Navy E-2 Hawkeye airborne early warning and control planes and C-2 Greyhound carrier onboard delivery (COD) aircraft also feature NP2000 propellers.
At the hearing yesterday, Lacore explicitly highlighted the benefits the J model Hercules aircraft offer when it comes to improving the Navy Reserve's ability to provide aerial refueling support, as well as dispense fuel on the ground at forward locations. She further noted how this could be particularly valuable for future operations across the broad expanses of the Pacific.
'The PACFLT [U.S. Pacific Fleet] commander has already asked us for, you know, to work on organic aerial refueling, and we are doing that with the Tangos, but it's a long haul. They're not all plumbed for that,' Lacore said. As noted, less than half of the aircraft in the existing Navy Reserve C-130 fleet are KC-130T tankers.
'The Juliets will come with that plumbing already established,' Lacore continued. 'We anticipate with that [to be able to provide] at least two times the aerial refueling rate. And if we include ground refueling as well, we're looking at probably eight times our refueling capability in theater, which is which will be a huge win for us in the Pacific.'
Navy C-130Js configured tankers, like the current KC-130Ts, will only be able to refuel aircraft using the probe-and-drogue method, at least as presently planned. Probe-and-drogue is the preferred means of aerial refueling for Navy and Marine Corps aircraft. It is also used by aerial refueling-capable U.S. Army and Air Force helicopters, as well as CV-22 Ospreys belong to the latter service. The Air Force prefers the boom method for refueling its fixed-wing aircraft.
Lacore further highlighted how the C-130Js will come with more advanced defensive features than are found on the KC/C-130Ts, which will allow the Navy Reserve to operate the aircraft in more dangerous environments.
As mentioned, the Navy, overall, currently relies heavily on the Air Force to provide aerial refueling support during combat operations, as well as peacetime training and other activities. The Navy is currently pressing ahead with plans to add new MQ-25 Stingray tanker drones to its carrier air wings. At the same time, the service does not expect to field the MQ-25 in significant numbers until the 2030s. Even then, the uncrewed tankers will not eliminate demand for additional aerial refueling support, especially in a large-scale conflict.
After U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) released a video showing an Air Force HC-130J Combat King II aircraft refueling a Navy E-2D Hawkeye somewhere in the Middle East, TWZ highlighted the relevance of C-130-based tankers, as well as other smaller aerial refueling aircraft, in a Pacific scenario. The HC-130J is a combat search and rescue (CSAR) aircraft that is also configured to act as a tanker, primarily for CSAR helicopters. As we wrote:
'The U.S. Air Force and U.S. Marine Corps are both refining new concepts of operations that focus heavily on expeditionary and distributed operations and rapid deployment to remote and/or austere forward locations with minimal support as part of preparations for a potential high-end conflict, especially one against China.'
'The ability to operate from shorter runways and with a lower logistic footprint, as well as being able to get gas once in the air from smaller propeller-driven tankers, or even future drones like the MQ-25 Stingray, would be more relevant than ever in the context of an island-hopping campaign.'
A @USNavy E-2D refuels inflight from an @usairforce HC-130 over the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility. pic.twitter.com/pRkmM4IRIP
— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) August 6, 2024
Forward operations at far-flung locations with shorter runways could create additional need for aerial refueling. For instance, tactical jets might need to take off with less fuel to be able to get airborne with a full ordnance load, and then immediately link up with a tanker to top up. Tankers orbiting closer to forward bases could help fast jets low on fuel make it back safely after missions, as well.
Navy C-130 tankers would be limited to offloading fuel in flight via the probe-and-drogue method, but this could, in turn, help alleviate operational strain, even during peacetime, on boom-equipped Air Force tankers. In a future large-scale conflict, Navy tactical jets could find themselves at forward bases on land together with their Marine counterparts, and additional tankers could help ease demands on the latter service's KC-130Js.
Tankers, in general, are expected to be in extremely high demand during any future high-end fight, and those aircraft will also be targets for enemy forces. All of this further reinforces the value of the Navy providing additional organic aerial refueling support.
In addition, Vice Adm. Nancy Lacore said yesterday that new C-130Js will help the Navy Reserve improve its ability to perform its logistics airlift mission, which could also be very relevant in a future conflict in the Pacific region. She pointed out that Navy C-130Ts had already been an important part of the supply chain to get munitions and other materiel to Navy carrier strike groups during recent operations in and around the Red Sea.
'The C-130 Tango Hercules, operated exclusively by the Reserve, is the Navy's only long-range intertheater airlift [asset] for oversized cargo. This capability is in high demand from Fleet commanders, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, playing a critical role in the contested logistics necessary to sustain a maritime fight,' Lacore explained. 'Last year, Navy Reserve airlift transported more than 80,000 passengers and 20 million pounds of cargo, sustaining carrier strike groups in every theater, delivering salvage teams, resupplying critical munitions, and providing repair parts to keep F-35 flying in the Pacific and Aegis destroyers on station in the Red Sea.'
'Over the past few months, Reserve C-130 crews transported thousands of pounds of ordnance into the Red Sea fight, keeping our ships on station' so they could continue 'intercepting Houthi missiles, conducting precision strikes, and safeguarding global commerce,' she added. New C-130Js are 'critical to ensuring that we can effectively and safely carry out the critical intertheater logistics missions for the fleet.'
The Air Force also currently provides the bulk of all fixed-wing airlift capacity across the U.S. military, something that would also be in high demand for moving personnel and material across the Pacific during a future conflict in the region.
Overall, the Navy Reserve's continued push to replace its KC/C-130Ts with new C-130Js is not just about modernization, but reflects the service's growing view that those aircraft will play a critical role in any future fight in the Pacific. In the meantime, the aging T variants will continue providing already important aerial refueling and airlift support.
Contact the author: joe@twz.com

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Hegseth has also pushed to eliminate courses at West Point and the Naval Academy that deal with gender, racial, and LGBTQ issues and remove books from their libraries that focus on these subject. He ordered the military academies to end consideration of gender, race, or ethnicity as part of their admissions standards. 'Selecting anyone but the best erodes lethality, our warfighting readiness, and undercuts the culture of excellence in our armed forces,' said Hegseth. Hegseth seems unaware that Harvey Milk was also a warrior. He demonstrated courage, leadership, and resilience in challenging the status quo. In his day, as an activist and public official, Milk did battle with conservative and religious right forces. Milk is hardly an obscure figure. He was the subject of an acclaimed 1982 biography by Randy Shilts calledThe Mayor of Castro Street. The Times of Harvey Milk won the 1984 Academy Award for Best Documentary. In 2009, the film Milk garnered eight Academy Award nominations (including best picture). Sean Penn, who played Milk, won the Oscar for Best Actor, while Dustin Black earned the award for Best Original screenplay. That year, the California legislature established Milk's birthday, May 22, as Harvey Milk Day throughout the state and President Barack Obama posthumously awarded Milk the Presidential Medal of Freedom for his contribution to the gay rights movement. Obama explained, 'He fought discrimination with visionary courage and conviction.' Milk is to the gay rights movement what Jackie Robinson was to baseball, what Martin Luther King Jr. was to civil rights, what Betty Friedan was to the women's movement, and what Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta were to the farmworkers movement. When Milk was elected to San Francisco's Board of Supervisors in 1977, most gay women and men were still in the closet. Many states had laws against hiring gay people as schoolteachers and other occupations. This was just a few years after the American Psychiatric Association removed homosexuality from its list of mental disorders. It was before the AIDS epidemic, before Rock Hudson became the first movie star to acknowledge that he was gay. It was before Congress passed and President Bill Clinton signed 'Don't Ask Don't Tell,' a policy that allowed gay and lesbian people to serve in the military. It was before Ellen DeGeneres, star of the TV comedy series 'Ellen,' publicly came out as a lesbian during an interview on the Oprah Winfrey show and became the first openly gay character on a major TV show. It was before colleges offered courses in gay literature, history, and politics. It was before the Supreme Court ruled, in the 2003 decision Lawrence v. Texas, that state laws criminalizing gay or lesbian sex were unconstitutional, and ruled again in 2015, in Obergefell v. Hodges, that states could not prohibit same-sex couples from legally marrying. Milk was not the first openly gay person to win public office. Voters in Massachusetts, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Michigan had already elected gay and lesbian candidates. But Milk's victory, winning a powerful high-profile position in the nation's gay capital, made him instantly a national figure. Today, at least 1,336 openly LGBTQ persons are serving in public office, according to the LBGTQ Victory Institute, including three governors, 13 members of Congress, and 68 mayors. Milk grew up in a middle-class Jewish family on Long Island outside New York City. In high school he played football and developed a passion for opera. He graduated from college in 1951 with a degree in math. Although he knew he was homosexual while he was still a teenager, he kept it secret. A college friend recalled, 'He was never thought of as a possible queer — that's what you called them then — he was a man's man.' After college Milk joined the navy for four years, serving as a diving officer aboard a submarine rescue ship during the Korean War. He was discharged in 1955 with the rank of lieutenant, junior grade. For the next fifteen years, Milk drifted, taking a series of jobs for which he had little enthusiasm. He taught high school, then worked as a statistician for an insurance company and as an analyst for a Wall Street brokerage firm. During that period he had a number of relationships with men. In 1972, Milk and his partner Scott Smith joined the exodus of hippies and gays migrating to San Francisco. The city had long been a haven for nonconformists and bohemians. The 1950s beatnik scene, with its overlapping circles of radicals and folk music devotees, morphed into the hippie culture of the 1960s, centered in San Francisco's Haight-Ashbury neighborhood. After World War II, San Francisco had also become a mecca for gay men. By the 1960s, it had more gay people per capita than any other American city and a thriving gay scene of bars, businesses, and bathhouses. The Castro District became the city's gay ghetto, but the official culture still reflected mainstream antipathy toward gays. For example, landlords could legally evict tenants whom they discovered to be homosexual. As their numbers grew, gays became a political force in the city. Two organizations — the Society for Individual Rights and the Daughters of Bilitis — began challenging the police department's arbitrary and sometimes brutal persecution of gay bars and entrapment of gays having sex in public parks. In 1971, 2,800 gay men were arrested for having sex in public restrooms and parks. That year Richard Hongisto, a straight ex-cop who had fought the police department's bias against gays and minorities, ran successfully for county sheriff with the support of the gay community. Other liberal politicians began to court gay and lesbian support. Key gay leaders, including the publisher of the gay newspaper the Advocate, started the Alice B. Toklas Democratic Club in 1971 to mobilize gay voters. Milk lived as an openly gay man. He and Smith had opened Castro Camera. The store's back room became a gathering place for Milk's widening circle of friends. He frequently complained about taxes on small businesses, underfunded schools (which he learned about when a teacher asked to borrow a projector because her school's equipment did not work), and ongoing discrimination against gays by employers, landlords, and cops. In 1973 Milk decided to run for supervisor. 'I finally reached the point where I knew I had to become involved or shut up,' he recalled. Milk, who still looked like an aging hippie, ran a spirited but low-budget and chaotic campaign, drawing on patrons of gay bars angry about police harassment. His fiery speeches and flare attracted media attention, and he garnered 16,900 votes — winning the Castro District and other liberal neighborhoods, finishing tenth out of thirty-two candidates. It was not enough to win the citywide campaign, but it made Milk a visible presence. Milk and other gay business owners founded the Castro Village Association, which chose Milk as its president. He also organized the Castro Street Fair to attract more customers to the area. By then, Milk had started referring to himself as the 'mayor of Castro Street.' Milk ran a better campaign for supervisor in 1975. He cut his hair and wore suits. His community organizing paid off. He had more money and more volunteers. Thanks to his activism, he earned the support of key unions. This time he came in seventh, one spot away from winning a supervisor's seat. Milk remained involved in grassroots gay activism, which was facing a backlash by the religious right across the country. The growing antigay climate had real consequences. Random attacks on gays in the Castro increased. Upset by the lack of police protection, groups of gays began patrolling the neighborhood themselves. On June 21, 1977 conservative thugs attacked Robert Hillsborough, a gay man, yelling 'Faggot!' while stabbing him fifteen times, killing him. A few weeks later, 250,000 people attended the Gay Freedom Day Parade, fueled by anger as well as by gay pride. Milk's leadership in these mobilizations, plus his previous campaigns, gave him an advantage when he ran again for supervisor in 1977. Equally important, voters had just approved a city charter change to elect supervisors by geographic districts instead of citywide. The new District 5, centered in the Castro area, was Milk's home base. That November, Milk was finally elected to the Board of Supervisors, beating sixteen other candidates, half of them gay. This time he had an effective campaign manager, a large cadre of volunteers, and the endorsement of the San Francisco Chronicle. Milk's victory made national news. He became a close ally of Mayor George Moscone, a progressive who had been elected two years earlier. Together, they challenged the power of the big corporations and real estate developers that were gentrifying the city and changing its skyline. They supported rent control, unions, small businesses, neighborhood organizations, and a tax on suburban commuters. Milk made sure that he responded to constituency concerns, such as fixing potholes and installing stop signs at dangerous intersections. In fact, soon after taking office, he sponsored two bills. The first outlawed discrimination based on sexual orientation. Milk was responding to his core constituency, San Francisco's gay community, which had endured years of bigotry from employers, landlords, and other institutions. The second bill dealt with an issue that, according to polls, voters considered the number-one problem in the city: dog feces. Milk's ordinance, called the 'pooper scooper' law, required dog owners to scoop up their pets' excrement. After it passed, Milk invited the press to a local park, where, with cameras rolling, he intentionally stepped in the smelly substance. The stunt attracted national media attention as well as extensive local press coverage, as Milk had anticipated. He later explained why he pulled off the photo op: 'All over the country, they're reading about me, and the story doesn't center on me being gay. It's just about a gay person who is doing his job.' Milk was a big personality, but he was also a serious and brilliant politician. After his election, he was the most visible gay public figure in America. At a time when homophobia was still deeply entrenched in American culture, Milk encouraged gays and lesbians to come out of the closet. He received thousands of letters from gays around the country, thanking him for being a role model. 'I thank God,' wrote a sixty-eight-year-old lesbian, 'I have lived long enough to see my kind emerge from the shadows and join the human race.' Milk knew that to win elections and pass legislation, he had to build bridges with other constituencies and with his straight colleagues on the Board of Supervisors. He cultivated support from tenants' groups, the elderly, small businesses, environmentalists, and labor unions. Milk forged an unlikely alliance with the Teamsters union, which represented truck drivers. The Teamsters wanted to pressure beer distributors to sign a contract with the union to improve pay and working conditions for its members. They were particularly angry at Coors, which of all the beer companies was the most hostile toward unions. A Teamsters organizer approached Milk for help in reaching out to gay bars, a big portion of Coors's customer base. Within days, Milk had canvassed the gay bars in and around the heavily gay Castro District, encouraging them to stopping selling Coors beer. With help from Arab and Chinese grocers, the gay boycott of Coors was successful. Milk had earned a political ally among the Teamsters. At Milk's urging, the union also began to recruit more gay truck drivers. Much of Milk's eleven months in office — before he and Moscone were assassinated — was spent organizing opposition to a statewide referendum sponsored by State Senator John Briggs to ban gays from teaching in public schools. Milk went up and down California speaking out against the initiative. He debated Briggs on television. He crashed Briggs's events, generating media stories. When Briggs claimed that gay teachers abused their students, Milk countered with statistics documenting that most pedophiles were straight, not gay. Opposition to the Briggs initiative mobilized gays and their liberal allies. They knocked on doors, wrote letters to the editor, and paid for TV and radio ads. More than a quarter of a million people attended that summer's Gay Freedom Day Parade in San Francisco. (Similar events in other cities attracted record numbers). Milk rode in an open car and later gave an inspiring speech that, according to the San Francisco Examiner, 'ignited the crowd.' He said: On this anniversary of Stonewall, I ask my gay sisters and brothers to make the commitment to fight. For themselves, for their freedom, for their country. We will not win our rights by staying quietly in our closets. We are coming out to fight the lies, the myths, the distortions. We are coming out to tell the truths about gays! I'm tired of the silence. So I'm going to talk about it. And I want you to talk about it. You must come out. Come out to your parents, your relatives. Come out to your friends. On November 7, 1978, Briggs's initiative lost by more than a million votes, with 58 percent of voters — and 75 percent in San Francisco — opposing it. It was a stunning victory for the gay community, and Milk was its most visible leader. Twenty days later, Milk and Moscone were dead. On November 27, former supervisor Dan White, carrying a gun, climbed into city hall through a basement window and shot both public officials. White had represented one of the city's more conservative neighborhoods and was the only supervisor to oppose Milk's antidiscrimination ordinance. Frustrated by his marginalization on the board, he abruptly resigned on November 10, only ten months after being sworn in. He quickly changed his mind and asked Moscone to reappoint him to his old position. Moscone refused to do so, in part because of Milk's lobbying against White. White was charged with first-degree murder, making him eligible for the death penalty. A conviction seemed a slam dunk. But White's lawyer claimed that he was not responsible for his actions because of his mental state, which the lawyer termed 'diminished capacity.' On May 21, 1979, a jury acquitted White of the first-degree murder charge but found him guilty of voluntary manslaughter. He was sentenced to seven years in prison. The verdict triggered riots outside city hall as gays and their allies unleashed their fury. Milk had anticipated his murder. He had received many hate letters and death threats. He recorded his thoughts on tape, indicating who he wanted to succeed him if he were killed, saying, 'If a bullet should enter my brain, let that bullet destroy every closet door.' He added, 'I would like to see every gay lawyer, every gay architect come out, stand up and let the world know. That would do more to end prejudice overnight than anybody could imagine. I urge them to do that, urge them to come out. Only that way will we start to achieve our rights.' Milk's charisma and political savvy helped unleash the power of gay voters and advance the issue of gay rights, including the growing number of gay and lesbian elected officials and widening acceptance of same-sex marriage. The Trump administration's, and Hegseth's, recent efforts to paper over and rewrite history suggests they don't want the current and future generations to know about that movement, its accomplishments, and the persistent battle for LGBTQ equality. Responding on his Facebook page to news of the effort to rename the USNS Harvey Milk, gay playwright Harvey Fierstein described the move as a 'crime against the gay community' and wrote that Trump is a 'vile, petty, stupid, destructive, jealous, illiterate, hateful, ego-maniacal and dangerous shmuck.' California State Senator Scott Wiener, who is also gay, told the Los Angeles Times that Hegseth's move against Milk is part of a 'systematic campaign to eliminate LGBTQ people from public life.' 'They want us to go away, to go back in the closet, not to be part of public life,' added Wiener. 'And we're not going anywhere.'

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