logo
The idea of roadblocks to keep people from their holiday homes sounds fantastical, but is it?

The idea of roadblocks to keep people from their holiday homes sounds fantastical, but is it?

Irish Times22-05-2025
The scene opens ... it is early summer in
Connemara
. Dusk is falling. A black Range Rover with 27 D plates approaches Roundstone from the east. The driver slows, dims the lights and pulls over. The woman in the passenger side turns around and speaks to her two children in the back seat.
'Okay, kids, let's go over it again in case we are stopped by the men ... '
'Where are we going?' she asks.
'To
Clifden
.'
READ MORE
'Where are we staying?'
'The Clifden Arms Hotel.'
'Good.'
The woman turns back to the man. 'What if they don't believe us?'
'It's cool. I have made an online booking. We can cancel it when we get to the cottage,' he replies before driving off.
'Why don't the men want us to go to our holiday cottage, Mummy?' the girl asks. The woman pauses before answering quietly: 'They have nowhere to live, and they think it's our fault'.
'Is it our fault?' the girl asks.
The driver responds: 'No ... it's the Government's.'
Apologies to Paul Lynch and all other authors of post-apocalyptic fiction. The idea of roadblocks in Connemara to stop people getting to their holiday homes admittedly stretches credulity.
But until Wednesday the idea that a senior manager in neighbouring
Mayo County Council
would call for a boycott of holiday homeowners might have seemed equally so. The fact that he was taken seriously – to the point of him being interviewed on RTÉ's Morning Ireland – takes it closer to the level of plausibility.
In case you missed it, Tom Gilligan, the council's director of services with responsibility for housing and roads, emailed his colleagues in the local authority's strategic policy committee (SPC) over the weekend
floating the idea of a boycott
in the context of the housing shortage in the county.
'So, the objective around this proposed boycott is to highlight the impact of underused housing stock on local communities, encourage policy reform and taxation measures on vacant second homes. And also, to push holiday homeowners to either return properties for sale to the rental market or to the long-term rental market,' he told RTÉ.
[
'Nothing is off the table': Mayo housing official defends call to boycott holiday homeowners
Opens in new window
]
The thing about Gilligan's comments is that – as was said about Donald Trump during his first term – they should be taken seriously but not literally. Like Trump at his most intuitive, Gilligan has tapped into the resentment of a group that understandably feels its voice is not being heard. It is galling to be surrounded by homes that are unoccupied for much of the year in the middle of a housing crisis.
In Trump's case, it was blue-collar, rural Americans – mostly men. In Gilligan's case, it's people in rural Ireland who can't find a place for themselves, or their children, to live.
While both Trump and Gilligan have identified a group with legitimate grievances, neither seems to have a workable solution to their problems.
Trump's first-term efforts at protectionism were stymied by others in his party and Government, but the second time around he launched his disastrous tariff policy.
Gilligan's proposed boycott is misguided and even less likely to succeed than the tariffs. But Gilligan has hit on a word that encodes the anger of those who might agree with him.
As Gilligan pointed out,
the word 'boycott'
is synonymous with Mayo and the late 19th century protests against landlord Captain Charles Cunningham Boycott. 'The local community at the time took it upon themselves to try a form of civil protest ... It's very important that we should never doubt that a small group of thoughtful and committed citizens can change the world,' he told RTÉ.
It will be telling to see where Gilligan's idea goes from here. It will no doubt find favour with some frustrated people in the west of Ireland, but also the ragtag group of charlatans who comprise the far right.
If the idea of protest – rather than the unworkable concept of a boycott – does gain some traction with the wider community in Mayo, then this serious local issue could come on to the national agenda.
We shouldn't discount the possibility. Gilligan boasts an impressive CV and is very different from the angry self-publicists who spread their poison on social media. A qualified accountant with a MBA in local government from DCU, he has held various posts in the public service and the private sector.
He is also the founder of
VacantHomes.ie
, a national housing initiative developed to get empty/derelict homes back into use.
The real takeaway – particularly for holiday homeowners with Range Rovers – is that they underestimate at their peril the level of simmering anger felt by people who are locked out of the housing market in parts of the country where homes sit empty for much of the year.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Ending of electricity credits will bite hard this winter
Ending of electricity credits will bite hard this winter

Irish Times

time13 hours ago

  • Irish Times

Ending of electricity credits will bite hard this winter

It is the August bank holiday weekend – the height of meteorological summer, and of political summer. The Dáil is not sitting, Cabinet is not meeting, and aside from committees reporting on Government legislation on the triple lock and Occupied Territories Bill last week, the agenda was deathly quiet. In the midst of that August haze, it can be hard to believe that the weather will ever turn again. Inevitably, however, it will – this is as true of politics as it is of climate. And there are signs that as the days shorten and the weather turns, the old truism will be borne out – winter will be much trickier for the Government. Earlier this week, figures released to Sinn Féin MEP Lynn Boylan showed that 301,000 households are now in arrears on their electricity bills. One of the significant things about this is that the arrears figures appear to be creeping up even when the weather is mild – and doing so as the last of the previous government's electricity credits wash out of the system. It seems likely that the credits suppressed a rate of electricity arrears that would otherwise have emerged given the still-elevated cost of power. The electricity credits were a blunt, expensive – and politically expedient – tool to address a genuine crisis. In September 2022, as the country faced its first post-Ukraine invasion winter (and budget), a senior government figure texted me to say that modelling suggested energy bills over the winter would be more like mortgage payments. Cabinet had been warned earlier that week that household bills could hit €6,000 annually. That was both economically and politically unsustainable, and the Coalition applied €600 worth of electricity credits to household bills between November that year and March 2023, costing a little over €1.2 billion. From April 2022 until February this year, households got nine payments worth a total of €1,500 – costing almost €3 billion. It was a stark summation of two things: the scale of the crisis and the political willingness to cure – or at least ameliorate – it with exchequer spending. READ MORE Both those things have changed in important but different ways. Firstly, the cost of electricity has come down in line with reductions in wholesale gas prices – the main input into Irish electricity prices. However, it has not returned to pre-crisis levels, and energy boffins who understand these things expect that utility bills this winter will be about the same as last winter (or maybe even a little higher). The second important change is that while the situation has improved, the Coalition has resolved to turn off the tap completely on electricity credits. From a policy point of view, given the economic backdrop and the constant refrain over State spending, there is a strong case to be made for this – and it is one that has been made early and often by Minister for Finance Paschal Donohoe and Minister for Public Expenditure Jack Chambers . Both have been backed up by their respective party leaders. But the politics of this has a hard edge: the simple fact is that voters up and down the country are likely to be exposed to a more expensive winter in real terms than they have been for many years. As universal once-off payments are rolled up, they will get a delayed – but real – shock. This also comes against the backdrop of ever-higher grocery costs. More expensive turkey and electricity bills (or colder homes) beckon for the festive period. That does not sound like a recipe for a happy electorate. It is often said that inflation kills governments, but the last coalition was returned to power at least in part because it insulated households to an extraordinary degree as the election beckoned – not just the electricity credits, but recall two double payments of child benefit, either side of polling day. Against this backdrop, there is a compelling logic to intervene to protect lower-income households – and this is something I would expect the Government to do in the budget. Ditto extending the lower VAT rate on electricity bills. Meanwhile, Minister for Energy Darragh O'Brien has convened an energy affordability task force, which is to sketch out support measures for Budget 2026 some time soon. The Government's actions suggest it knows it has an issue – but all the steps the Coalition is minded to take – targeted measures, structural reforms, investment in the grid – are either partial or much more long-term in nature. They lack the raw retail politics of the once-off payments. Meanwhile, the Opposition's actions are equally as instructive. Before the Dáil rose for summer, the cost of living seemed to be the issue they most routinely raised in the Dáil. During his meeting with UK prime minister Keir Starmer this week, US president Donald Trump riffed on how politics is pretty simple, at the end of the day. The politician who wins out, he opined, is generally the one that cuts taxes the most, who keeps you out of wars – and 'the one who gives you the lowest energy prices'. Say what you like about him, he is an operator with extraordinary instincts for the prevailing politics of the day. It is possible that higher energy costs – and the price of the low-carbon transition – will become baked into economies in the time ahead. That suggests that energy politics may become a feature of the system here and elsewhere, not a passing storm.

Ministerial report cards: How did the new Cabinet perform in its first six months?
Ministerial report cards: How did the new Cabinet perform in its first six months?

Irish Times

time14 hours ago

  • Irish Times

Ministerial report cards: How did the new Cabinet perform in its first six months?

Six months after the 15 Government Ministers of the 34th Dáil were named, how have they been performing in their roles? Micheál Martin (FF) Taoiseach 6/10 Taoiseach Micheál Martin. Photograph: Nick Bradshaw Micheál Martin , the great survivor of Irish politics, has been Fianna Fáil leader for 14 years, weathering the financial crash that ended other political careers in his party. He is now in his second stint as Taoiseach. He is hard-working and knowledgeable but can be testy and easily baited. There is no question about his absolute authority within his own party. Still, there have been some big cock-ups since January. The saga over the speaking rights for the Michael Lowry group of Independent TDs was damaging, as was the long time it took to set up Oireachtas committees. READ MORE On a macro level, Martin and his fellow party leader in Government, Fine Gael's Simon Harris, have presided over record spending in recent years. There is a strong correction this year, with much of the money from the Apple tax windfall, plus corporation tax, being put into the two new fiscal buffers. Critics say it may be too late. The next year should really test the Government and its political wherewithal. Like many other leaders who have entered the White House this year, Martin looked at times like a deer in the headlights when he was in the Oval Office with Donald Trump on the St Patrick's trip in March. However, he and Harris have been far braver than most other EU states (with the exception of Spain) on the issue of Gaza. Simon Harris (FG) Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Trade and Defence 5/10 Tánaiste Simon Harris. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Simon Harris had a tough general election last November and the party's poll numbers under the Wicklow TD have struggled around 16 and 17 per cent, below the party's 21 per cent election result and well below the high of 27 per cent last September, when Harris was still enjoying the boost from his March 2024 election to leader. He is still highly visible when it comes to public and media exposure but his impact seems lower. Critics might say he should pursue less visibility and more substance. But keeping a low profile might not be in his nature given his hunger to dominate the airwaves and headlines. As Minister for Trade, Harris has been active. He and Martin put huge emphasis on securing a 10 per cent tariff rate with the US, making the EU's concession to the US on a15 per cent tariff harder to sell when it happened. Like Martin, he has been unstinting in his criticism of Israel over the war on Gaza. His next immediate task will be to nuance the framing of the Occupied Territories Bill and decide what to do with services, now that an Oireachtas committee has recommended their inclusion in the legislation prohibiting trade with Israeli companies operating in the illegally occupied Palestinian territories. James Browne (FF) Minister for Housing 3/10 Minister for Housing, Local Government and Heritage James Browne. Photograph: Stephen Collins/Collins Photos James Browne has had a dismal first six months. Yet, he could end up among the best performing at the end. The Fianna Fáil politician had a reputation as a 'doer'. As a junior minister, he steered through gambling legislation while withstanding intensive lobbying. Housing is a different proposition. It's where ministerial careers go to die. Browne has had setbacks: jumping the gun with his idea to appoint Nama chief executive Brendan McDonagh as the housing 'tsar'; the reform of rent pressure zones not fully thought through ; and communication shortfalls. He's not the first new Minister to have a poor start – Heather Humphreys and Norma Foley come to mind. The reason: he doesn't shy from taking decisions. Recent ones include ditching a large public-private partnership (PPP) project , and league tables for local authorities' performance in delivering social housing . He has yet to prove he has clear focus and an understanding of the broader picture. Being bold brings risk. There's no in-between for Browne – it's either big success or abject failure. Dara Calleary (FF) Minister for Social Protection and Rural Affairs 5/10 Dara Calleary, Minister for Social Protection and Minister for Rural and Community Development and the Gaeltacht. Photograph: Damien Eagers The Fianna Fáil man is a competent politician who will have no difficulty running a super-efficient department with a huge budget such as Social Protection's. And for a rural politician, the other side of his ministerial brief – Community, Rural Affairs and the Gaeltacht – has few downsides. So far, he has been steady but unspectacular. He's talked about tackling welfare fraud but then so did his predecessors and he will be the Minister who will make pension auto-enrolment a reality after months of delays. There is full employment now. If there are rockier economic times ahead, he could bear some of the brunt of it. Already, the era of once-off payments is over, despite households in arrears with energy bills. There are many other areas of welfare that could be reformed. Does he have the appetite to fix those? Martin Heydon (FG) Minister for Agriculture, Food, Fishing and the Marine 6/10 Martin Heydon, Minister for Agriculture, Food, Fishing and the Marine. Photograph: John Ohle for Irish Times The Fine Gael politician comes from a farming background, and having served his apprenticeship as a junior minister in the department, he is in the mould of a minister for agriculture. Smart and independent thinking, he has been assured in the role. Agriculture is settled at the moment but there are clouds ahead. The nitrates directive exemption is on the line and Heydon will have to convince Brussels that Ireland's record on water quality is improving. The tariffs will also have a big impact on dairy exports to the US – mainly Kerrygold's – and to the drinks/whiskey industry. Heydon has been busy with trade missions to Korea and other countries to try to open up new markets. There is also a new round of Common Agricultural Policy negotiations about to commence. Norma Foley (FF) Minister for Children, Disability and Equality 5/10 Norma Foley, Minister for Children, Disability and Equality. Photograph: Colin Keegan, Collins Dublin. The Kerry TD has been largely low-key during her first six months in her new department. Bringing down childcare costs and increasing provision was a huge issue in the election. There will be pressure on her to deliver. Already she is tempering expectations on the time span to reduce the overall fee to €200 per month. She handled the fallout over the Grace report well . But she faces ongoing issues with budget overruns at Tusla, the Child and Family Agency, its performance, the number of children in unregulated emergency accommodation and the agency's failure to comply with court orders . Helen McEntee (FG) Minister for Education and Youth 6/10 Helen McEntee, Minister for Education. Photograph: Cate McCurry/PA Wire The Fine Gael Minister had a mixed legacy at the Department of Justice but she is policy-centred and a reformer by instinct. Education should suit her as the brief is wide; there are many issues with much scope to push through change. She has already engaged with the reformed curriculum for the Leaving Certificate, including the impact of artificial intelligence (AI); issued warnings to schools that don't provide special education places; and has undertaken to address high absenteeism in schools in disadvantaged areas, amid a wider review of the DEIS programme. She is promising to make a new national convention – the first in more than 30 years – the 'largest national conversation on education in the history of the State' in the coming academic year. She has promised to use 'all levers' to ensure religious orders pay full redress once the new Commission of Inquiry into historical sex Abuse in certain schools has reported. It's a promise that will be impossible to honour. James Lawless (FF) Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science 4/10 James Lawless, Minister for Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science Lawless landed himself in hot water in June for stating Government policy that college fees would revert from €2,000 to €3,000 as there will be no cost-of-living package in the budget. He got clobbered, including from Fine Gael Ministers. It was a display of slight naivety. The low mark reflects that uneasy start. Fees and budgets for third-level institutions will loom large during his term. The big theme for him is improving research performance. That resonates with the wider imperatives for Ireland in addressing the threats posed by Donald Trump administration's protectionist policies. If he succeeds, he will leave a strong legacy. Patrick O'Donovan (FG) Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport. 6/10 Patrick O'Donovan, Minister for Culture, Communications and Sport. Photograph: Niall Carson/PA Wire Patrick O'Donovan can be abrasive in his manner and that doesn't always endear him to some but he is effective. His predecessor, Catherine Martin, was strong on arts and culture but not on communications and sport. With O'Donovan it's the other way around. People think he has no affinity with culture, but he has four years to prove them wrong. Already, there have been controversies. He refused to sanction a new contract for Arts Council director Maureen Kennelly because of the council's botched €7 million IT system. That seemed to blame the council when the reporting failures within the department were equally shocking. He has adopted a tough stance on RTÉ governance too. He become caught up last month in a very public row with An Post chief executive David McRedmond over media leaks out of Cabinet about the company's finances. (O'Donovan denied he was the leaker.) Peter Burke (FG) Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment 8/10 Peter Burke, Minister for Enterprise, Tourism and Employment. Photograph: Stephen Collins/Collins Photos Although only appointed a senior Minister in 2024, Burke was one of the continuity ministers in the new Cabinet. He is viewed as assured and strategic. Low-key in manner, he was canny enough to deal with someunpopular matters early in the life of this Government, such as axing the policy to extend sick leave. Fine Gael to his core, Burke has put a big focus on competitiveness. The lowering of VAT for food and drink hospitality was scored as a win for Burke. He came up quickly with a diversification plan to encourage exporters to seek new markets for Irish goods following Trump's global tariff-fest on 'Liberation Day' on April 1st. Jennifer Carroll MacNeill (FG) Minister for Health 7/10 Jennifer Carroll MacNeill, Minister for Health. Photograph: Sam Boal/Collins Photos Carroll MacNeill is seen as confident, composed, articulate and ambitious, but this difficult portfolio will be a test of her clear leadership aspirations. She had some early wins on waiting lists and her drive to get seven-day rosters implemented in hospitals. But challenges are mounting up. There's been a 25 per cent increase in staff levels in the health service in recent years. The health budgets seem to need an extra €2 billion every single year, but the increases are not matched by productivity improvements. She will need to get bang for bucks from the HSE and that will include making Saturday a normal working day. She will also have to decide whether numerous failures in surgeries on children will allow Children's Health Ireland to continue as an independent entity. Or can CHI be trusted to run the national children's hospital when it finally opens after budget overruns and delays? And what about the practice of 'insourcing' (engaging external companies using HSE resources after working hours) to tackle waiting lists? This is yet another hugely expensive solution that has been shown to raise governance issues. [ Inside the insourcing industry: The multimillion euro business within our public hospitals Opens in new window ] Paschal Donohoe (FG) Minister for Finance 6/10 Paschal Donohoe, Minister for Finance. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Only Taoiseach Micheál Martin has more experience in government than Paschal Donohoe . The Fine Gael man is well-connected too; he has just been re-elected to his third term as president of the Eurogroup of euro zone finance ministers. Donohoe's record has to be viewed in tandem with that of Jack Chambers, his fellow economic minister at the Cabinet table. They have the same close congruence that Donohoe had with Michael McGrath when he was there. Since January, they have stated there will be no cost-of-living package this year because of Trump-induced uncertainty. The huge once-off payments of recent years were funded by bonanza returns of corporation tax. With that no longer available, the next two years will be a huge test for Donohoe. Jack Chambers (FF) Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform 6/10 Jack Chambers, Minister for Public Expenditure and Reform. Photograph: Dara Mac Dónaill Fianna Fáil's deputy leader , Chambers took the dramatic elevation to the key Finance portfolio last year in his stride. He delivered an assured first budget, which was made easier by a €2.2 billion cost-of-living package that won't be repeated this year. Now in Public Expenditure, his big ticket item is the €200 billion National Development Plan which has focused on housing (€28 billion); water services (€7.7 billion); energy (€3.5 billion); transport including the Metro (€22.3 billion); and health (€9 billion). Chambers may appear mild-mannered , but colleagues say he has been unyielding on reining in the departmental budget. Armed with a report highlighting the shocking delays in delivering big capital projects, he will need to greatly reduce those delays if the NDP is to pass muster. Jim O'Callaghan Minister for Justice, Home Affairs and Migration 8/10 Jim O'Callaghan, Minister for Justice. Photograph: Collins Courts O'Callaghan is a first-time Minister but his political instincts and legal career have given him a good understanding of his portfolio. He has adopted a tough stance on two key areas: immigration and law and order On international protection, he has repeated the message that those who are not entitled to asylum are not entitled to stay. Chartered deportation flights are back; there is strong support for the EU Migration and Asylum pact; and the Cabinet has approved the purchase of Citywest Hotel as a part of a plan to provide State-owned accommodation to asylum seekers. His cause has been helped by a 43 per cent drop in the number of people seeking protection this year . Elsewhere, he has pressed his credentials as a law-and-order Minister. His decision to give a State apology to the family of Shane O'Farrell – the Longford cyclist killed by a car driven by a man on bail – showed he can manage difficult and sensitive issues and won him respect. [ How Shane O'Farrell's family spent 14 years searching for the truth after fatal hit-and-run Opens in new window ] Darragh O'Brien (FF) Minister for Transport, Climate, Energy and Environment. 5/10 Darragh O'Brien, Minister for Transport. Photograph: Alan Betson O'Brien 's worst moment as a member of this Government was a painful reminder from his former department. During the election campaign, he and other ministers insisted housing completions in 2024 would be close to 40,000. In reality, they were closer to 30,000. The Fianna Fáil TD has a sprawling portfolio extending across two departments. It's no surprise that his priorities are different from those of his predecessor, former Green Party leader Eamon Ryan. So, already there is more leaning into roads, aviation (specifically, lifting the passenger cap in Dublin Airport) and the expansion of data centres. There is still emphasis on public transport, not least the long-promised Metro, Dart, Luas and Bus Connects, the first route of which was approved this week. His record will rest on delivery and that's going to take time. He is a fast talker – and sometimes accused of flannelling – but is an underrated Minister.

Canadian state wholesaler wants Irish whiskey to replace US spirits in 25,000 outlets, agriculture minister says
Canadian state wholesaler wants Irish whiskey to replace US spirits in 25,000 outlets, agriculture minister says

Irish Independent

time15 hours ago

  • Irish Independent

Canadian state wholesaler wants Irish whiskey to replace US spirits in 25,000 outlets, agriculture minister says

Canadian state wholesaler wants Irish whiskey to replace US spirits in 25,000 outlets, agriculture minister says Martin Heydon exploring potential deal in massive boost to the sector Martin Heydon has spoken to the Liquor Control Board of Ontario. Photo: Frank McGrath Fearghal O'Connor Today at 06:30 Ireland's embattled whiskey sector could fill the gap left on Canadian liquor shelves following the removal of US drinks products in reaction to Donald Trump's tariffs against America's northern neighbour, a key government-owned alcohol distributor has told the Irish Government.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store