
Cyberattacks surge amid India-Pakistan clashes after strikes
On May 7, 2025, India conducted "Operation Sindoor," a series of 24 missile strikes over 25 minutes against nine sites described as "terrorist infrastructure" in Pakistan and the Pakistan-administered region of Kashmir. According to Indian authorities, this operation was a response to the mass killing of 26 Indian tourists in Kashmir on 22 April. While India claims the strikes killed more than 70 militants and avoided civilian areas, Pakistan alleges at least 26 civilian casualties, has vowed to respond, and reports shooting down five Indian jets. Subsequent artillery exchanges have been reported along the Line of Control, closures of airspace have occurred, and international actors have called for restraint.
In anticipation of cyber reprisal, India moved to temporarily block overseas users from accessing the websites of the National Stock Exchange and BSE. Officials cited cyberthreat concerns as the reason for the move, affirming that trading operations remain unaffected, though access is being controlled while risks are evaluated. Indian media outlets have documented a rise in hacking claims linked to Pakistan, and Pakistan's cyber response agency, PKCERT, has warned that hostile actors are exploiting the escalation to spread disinformation and attack critical systems.
Reports compiled by Radware indicate that India has remained a frequent target of hacktivist campaigns throughout 2025, with 26 different groups targeting 100 organisations and accounting for 256 Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attacks since January. Most attacks were concentrated in January, but the initial week of May has seen activity accelerate as geopolitical tensions have heightened.
According to Radware, RipperSec has been responsible for over 30% of DDoS claims against Indian targets this year, followed by AnonSec (16.8%), Keymous+ (10.2%), Sylhet Gang (9%), and Mr Hamza (4.7%). Groups such as Anonymous VNLBN, Bangladesh Civilian Force, SPIDER-X, RuskiNet, Arabian Ghosts, AnonPioneers, Rabbit Cyber Team, Red Wolf Cyber, Nation of Saviors, and several others have also made claims of responsibility. Hacktivists on both sides are employing various methods, from DDoS attacks and botnets to website defacements and data leaks, with the objective of disrupting service and undermining public confidence.
More than half of the claimed DDoS attacks have targeted governmental agencies, with other significant targets including entities in education (8.3%), finance (7.4%), manufacturing (6.5%), and telecommunications (6.5%).
Since the events of May 7, DDoS attack activity aimed at India has intensified. Radware's analysis notes a spike at 4pm UTC (9:30pm IST) with up to seven claimed attacks per hour. Threat actors involved in these attacks include AnonSec, Keymous+, Mr Hamza, Anonymous VNLBN, Arabian Hosts, Islamic Hacker Army, Sylhet Gang, Red Wolf Cyber, and the Iranian group Vulture.
In these attacks post-Operation Sindoor, more than 75% of the incidents were directed at government agencies, while the financial and telecom sectors accounted for 8.5% and 6.4% respectively, comprising the bulk of the activity observed.
"Politically, socially and religiously motivated hacktivist groups are increasingly coordinating efforts, amplifying their attacks against shared adversaries," Radware said in its latest alert. "Hacktivists are using hybrid strategies, leveraging application-layer and volumetric DDoS attacks that complicate defences."
The Radware alert continued: "Hacktivists on both sides are targeting critical infrastructure using Web DDoS attacks, botnets, data leaks, and defacements, aiming to disrupt services and erode public trust."
Recent developments show several groups, including Sylhet Gang, Mysterious Team, and Red Wolf Cyber, declaring support for Pakistan and threatening expanded attacks on Indian systems. Radware observed that since 2024, there has been a growing pattern of collaboration among groups with different ideological motivations. "As noted in the Radware 2025 Global Threat Analysis Report, 2024 was a significant turning point for hacktivist alliances, as groups driven by different political, social and religious motivations united in coordinated campaigns to target shared perceived adversaries. In 2025, this trend has gained momentum, with more hacktivists offering mutual support for each other's actions and campaigns, amplifying their messages and boosting their visibility."
The alert further stated: "In the wake of Operation Sindoor, new alliances are emerging among Southeast Asian hacktivists. Some of these alliances even extend to groups traditionally opposed to Israel, such as the Iranian hacktivist group Vulture."
The situation, as described by Radware, remains volatile. "As of now, less than 24 hours have passed since the escalation between India and Pakistan, and the situation remains highly volatile. Several prominent politically motivated groups, such as RipperSec and Mysterious Team Pakistan, have publicly pledged to take action but have not yet claimed responsibility for any attacks. Their impending involvement could significantly raise the stakes."
Hacktivist groups based in India are also expected to intensify activity, raising concerns about reciprocal cyberattacks on Pakistani infrastructure. "Simultaneously, hacktivist groups supporting India, such as Indian Cyber Force, Cryptojackers of India, Dex4o4 and Ghost Force are expected to intensify their efforts to target Pakistani organisations. This could create a dangerous cycle of retaliation, increasing the risk of further cyberattacks, potentially targeting critical infrastructure on both sides."
The tactics used by hacktivists are varied. "Hacktivists frequently deploy application-layer DDoS attacks to target specific server resources, often without generating overwhelming traffic volumes. These attacks are harder to detect and mitigate, as they imitate legitimate user interactions. Common techniques include HTTPS encrypted floods and form POSTs, which overwhelm online services and their backend systems. This can result in significant service disruptions or even complete outages, especially for critical websites like government portals, financial institutions or news outlets."
"Volumetric attacks, while generally less sophisticated, are still a common strategy employed by hacktivist groups to overwhelm network infrastructure. These attacks often involve tactics such as direct path UDP floods or reflection and amplification attacks, where the target is flooded with a massive volume of UDP packets. This consumes significant bandwidth and network resources, which can potentially bring down online services or impact connectivity."
"Given the increasing sophistication of and orchestration between hacktivist groups, hybrid DDoS attacks that combine multiple techniques can be observed. These attacks could simultaneously target network infrastructure with volumetric methods while also executing application-layer attacks. These strategies complicate detection and mitigation efforts."
Radware highlighted the accessibility of DDoS tools as a contributing factor, noting: "Many groups may use publicly available DDoS tools to conduct their attacks. RipperSec members, for example, maintain and share a tool called MegaMedusa. Built using Node.js, MegaMedusa leverages its asynchronous and non-blocking I/O capabilities to manage multiple network connections efficiently, making it suitable for orchestrating extensive DDoS campaigns. The tool is publicly accessible via GitHub, allowing users to install and operate it with minimal technical expertise. Its user-friendly installation process involves executing a few commands, making it accessible even to individuals with limited technical backgrounds. The availability of these tools makes it easier for groups with varying levels of technical expertise to launch impactful attacks."
"Hacktivist groups may also utilise botnets – networks of compromised devices, often IoT devices – to launch large-scale DDoS attacks. These botnets can be rented or created through the use of malware, enabling attackers to distribute traffic across a wide range of devices. Some hacktivist groups have evolved from politically and religiously motivated attackers to DDoS-as-a-service providers, offering these services either for a fee or in exchange for advertising on their Telegram channels."
"Some hacktivists may also engage in website defacements and claim responsibility for data leaks as part of their strategy to create chaos and erode public trust in institutions. These actions are often intended to undermine the credibility of targeted organisations and spread ideological messages."

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


NZ Herald
3 days ago
- NZ Herald
Indian police arrest fake police running ‘crime bureau'
Six men were arrested for posing as police and extorting donations. Photo / Getty Images Listening to articles is free for open-access content—explore other articles or learn more about text-to-speech. Already a subscriber? Sign in here Access to Herald Premium articles require a Premium subscription. Subscribe now to listen. Six men were arrested for posing as police and extorting donations. Photo / Getty Images Indian police have arrested six men for allegedly posing as police and extorting 'donations' from a rented office labelled a 'crime investigative bureau'. The 'International Police and Crime Investigation Bureau', run from an office decorated with 'police-like colours and logos', was located in New Delhi satellite city Noida, police said in a statement. The accused forged documents and certificates and ran a website where they sought 'donations' from victims, police said. They also claimed they had an 'affiliation with Interpol' and other international crime units. 'The perpetrators presented themselves as public servants,' the police said.


NZ Herald
3 days ago
- NZ Herald
Islamabad has long dreamed of finding enough oil to turn around Pakistan's fortunes
'Who knows,' he mused, 'maybe they'll be selling Oil to India some day!' The US Energy Information Administration (EIA) has estimated that Pakistan might hold 9.1 billion barrels of recoverable oil - a figure cited frequently by Pakistani officials to court foreign investors. These reserves have not been proved, cautioned Afia Malik, an energy researcher in Pakistan. The country's proven reserves are far smaller - they place it around 50th globally, behind such countries as Romania, Vietnam, and Brunei. Pakistan produced fewer than 100,000 barrels of oil per day in 2023, according to the EIA, far less than the world's top producers. The US, with around 13 million barrels per day, ranked first. After a long history of setbacks and failures, few in Pakistan believe it will ever become an oil exporter. 'Red tape, political interference, and bureaucratic inefficiencies' have deterred foreign investors and limited progress, Malik said. Trump suggested that new investment would come from private US sources. 'We are in the process of choosing the Oil Company that will lead this Partnership,' he wrote. The most ambitious attempt ended in 2019, when a consortium that included ExxonMobil searched off Karachi but found no oil or gas deposits. A Pakistani refiner said last week that it had struck an agreement for its first import of US crude oil. 'As the President said, Pakistan and the US will work together on developing their massive oil reserves, which will strengthen economic security for both of our countries,' White House spokeswoman Anna Kelly said. Pakistani officials have welcomed Trump's announcement to resume the search for oil. 'If there's investment coming in from countries like the US, China, others, we would like to welcome that,' Power Minister Awais Leghari told the Washington Post. 'It is good to see that on the radar of President Trump.' Among commentators in Pakistan, disbelief and, in some cases, mockery have prevailed. Some suspect Trump is sending a message to neighbouring India, Pakistan's more populous and more economically influential arch-rival. 'Pakistan may simply be a leverage point, rather than the main beneficiary of this engagement,' political analyst Hasan Askari Rizvi said. Relations between the Trump Administration and the Indian Government have faltered in recent months over trade. Trump said last week that he will double the tariff on goods from India to 50% because of the country's continued purchase of Russian oil. While some here doubt that Pakistan is a priority to Trump, officials say they have noticed an improvement in relations with Washington. When days of border fighting between India and Pakistan in May threatened to escalate to all-out war, the Administration brokered a ceasefire. Trump hosted powerful army chief Asim Munir for lunch at the White House, and Islamabad said it would nominate Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize. The renewed American interest in Pakistan, some analysts suspect, might be less about oil than access to minerals and rare earths. Pakistan is believed to hold large and unexplored deposits of the rare earths that are crucial for consumer electronics and defence technology. Amid escalating trade tensions between the US and China, a key rare earth supplier, the Trump Administration has shown growing interest in Pakistan's mines. US officials attended the Pakistan Minerals Investment Forum in April. But as with oil, most of Pakistan's mineral deposits are unexplored and could be difficult to exploit. China is building a nearly 3220km road, rail, and pipeline network to link the Chinese border in northern Pakistan, resource-rich western Pakistani provinces and a deep-sea port in the south, but the work has been hampered by growing insecurity. Islamabad is concerned about the rising militancy of the Pakistani Taliban in the northwestern province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Separatist groups in the southwestern province of Baluchistan, meanwhile, are escalating their fight against the Government. Baluch separatists claimed responsibility last week for an attack on two mining trucks in the province. The militants warned that anyone 'involved in the looting of Baloch national resources' or transporting minerals would be considered a legitimate target. Some former Pakistani officials worry that the rising security challenges are fuelled by a sense of disenfranchisement shared not only by radicalised militants but also ordinary people. When oil or minerals were extracted in the past, locals rarely reaped the rewards. 'Serious efforts were never made to engage them as mutual partners,' said G.A. Sabri, a former top official in the Petroleum Ministry. Sabri hopes Pakistani officials have learned their lesson. But as the Government seeks foreign investment, it has introduced legislation to expand its control over mineral extraction, giving more cause for local grievances. 'When local communities see tangible benefits from exploration,' said Malik, 'they are more likely to take ownership of its security and success.'


NZ Herald
6 days ago
- NZ Herald
US ties with India trampled as Trump hunts goal of ending Russia's war in Ukraine
This week, Trump seemed ready to ditch that relationship. He doubled already hefty tariffs on Indian exports to the US for its steadfast refusal to stop buying oil from Russia, in an effort to pressure Russia to end the war. Trump has accused India of helping Russia finance its war on Ukraine through oil purchases; India has said it needs cheap oil to meet the energy needs of its fast-growing economy. India called the additional tariffs 'unfair, unjustified, and unreasonable', pointing out that it was being punished for doing something — buying Russian oil at a discounted price — that other nations have done, although it didn't mention names. China is the largest buyer of Russian oil, and Turkey has also deepened its energy links with Russia since the start of the war in Ukraine, without incurring similar penalties. Analysts said Trump's pressure tactics could damage the long-standing ties between India and the US. 'We are better off together than apart,' said Atul Keshap, a retired US diplomat and president of the US-India Business Council. 'The partnership forged by our elected leaders over the past 25 years is worth preserving and has achieved considerable mutual prosperity and advanced our shared strategic interests.' It's difficult to quantify what exactly America would lose if its relationship with India cools. India is a valuable strategic partner for the US, acting as a counterweight to China. It is also important to many American companies, including Apple, which has shifted some manufacturing of its products to India from China. Ajay Srivastava, a former trade official at the Global Trade Research Initiative, a New Delhi-based think-tank, said the US action 'will push India to reconsider its strategic alignment, deepening ties with Russia, China, and many other countries'. India and the US, with Japan and Australia, are part of a diplomatic partnership called the Quad, set up largely to counter China's growing influence in the Indo-Pacific region. India is planning to host the Quad Leaders' Summit later this year. Trump was expected to attend, although it's now unclear if he will. For India, the costs of a damaged relationship may prove to be higher. Trump's move puts Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a bind. Russia is the source of 45% of its oil imports. If India stops buying Russian oil, accepting higher prices for consumers and domestic manufacturing, it would be politically damaging for Modi's Government. If it ignores Trump's threat and continues buying Russian oil, the hit to India's economy will be far costlier. The higher tariffs could cut India's more than US$86 billion in exports to the US by half, according to the Global Trade Research Initiative, an Indian research group. The US is India's biggest trading partner, and exports account for nearly 20% of India's economy. India ranks only 10th among American trade partners in goods. India has also come to value American backing for its bid to be recognised as a global superpower. Modi has touted his relationship with Trump, courting the US President during his first term in office and calling him a 'true friend'. But that friendship, as many American allies have learned, may mean little when Trump's own priorities are at stake. US President Donald Trump is open to meeting Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin and Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the White House said yesterday. Photo / Olga Maltseva, Brendan Smialowski, Frederick Florin / AFP In recent weeks, Trump announced that he had struck deals with Japan, South Korea and the European Union, but even after months of negotiation, India had not reached an agreement. India was reluctant to make concessions on politically sensitive sectors like dairy and agriculture. India also publicly denied Trump's repeated claims that he helped broker a ceasefire between India and Pakistan after a brief, four-day conflict between the two neighbours in May. India has maintained that the ceasefire was negotiated bilaterally with Pakistan, and Indian leaders bristled at Trump's willingness to insert himself into that bitter rivalry. It is not yet clear whether the punitive tariffs Trump has threatened will ever take effect. In the executive order he issued, Trump said the tariffs would be implemented within a month, but he could modify the order if circumstances changed. The order included a provision that the US would look at other countries' purchases of Russian oil as well. So far, there is no indication that Trump intends to take a similar approach to China. Chinese and US officials are in the middle of sensitive negotiations about potential trade agreements after an initial round of retaliatory tariffs threatened to destabilise the global economy. With his tariff moves against India, Trump is keeping his eye on big strategic goals — a deal with China and keeping the pressure on Moscow before a potential meeting with the leaders of Russia and Ukraine, which he disclosed yesterday. Far from being 'a dead economy', as Trump called it, India is the fastest-growing large economy in the world. But its place on the President's list of priorities may be much less certain. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Written by: Anupreeta Das Photograph by: Saumya Khandelwal ©2025 THE NEW YORK TIMES