
VE Day marked with events across Northern Ireland
On Wednesday night, some landmark buildings in Belfast were lit up to mark VE Day, including Belfast City Hall in red, as well as Parliament Buildings in blue.
Belfast City Hall lit up in red on Wednesday night for the 80th Anniversary of VE Day (Rebecca Black/PA)
The City Hall hosted a tea party for celebrations on Thursday afternoon, as well as the Ulster Aviation Society's replica spitfire in its grounds.
Annie Cherry, 83, from the Shankill Road was among those taking part in the festivities.
'(Those that fought) gave us a better life and maybe a bit more happiness,' she said.
'One of my brother-in-laws was taken captive during the war, he was in a concentration camp, when he came home there was hardly any flesh on him, it must have been hard.'
Later on Thursday, beacons will be lit across a number of locations including Bangor, Newtownards, Lisburn, Armagh, Enniskillen, Coleraine, Londonderry and Coleraine to symbolise the light and hope that emerged from the darkness of war.
Today we honour the courage and sacrifice of all those who served in World War Two. And to veterans from Northern Ireland and beyond, we thank you for your service, your bravery and the part you played in securing peace and freedom. https://t.co/zpsR73mVm5
— Hilary Benn (@hilarybennmp) May 8, 2025
Mr Benn took part in a number of visits across the region.
He officially opened a special Second World War exhibition at Antrim Castle Gardens, before travelling to the Ulster Aviation Society, where he met veteran Fred Jennings.
He also visited the NI War Memorial Museum, which focuses on Northern Ireland's role in the Second World War and the impact that the war had on its people, and attended a Service of Remembrance at St Patrick's Church of Ireland Cathedral in Armagh.
Mr Benn said the cost of peace must never be forgotten.
'VE Day 80 is our opportunity to remember and to honour the extraordinary courage of that great generation of World War Two veterans,' he said.
'Today should remind us all that the cost of peace must never be forgotten.
'As we hear the stories of those who served and express our profound gratitude to them, let us remember that it was their sacrifice that enabled us to live in peace and freedom.'
Deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly attended VE Day events in Lisburn, Co Antrim.
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Reuters
3 hours ago
- Reuters
China to show off troops, high-tech weapons at massive WW2 parade
BEIJING, Aug 20 (Reuters) - China will stage a massive military parade next month in Beijing to commemorate 80 years since the end of World War Two following Japan's surrender, mobilising tens of thousands of people and showcasing weapons never seen before. Hundreds of aircraft including fighter jets and bombers as well as high-tech armaments such as precision-strike weapons capable of travelling at five times the speed of sound will be featured, officials said at a press conference on Wednesday. The parade, the second such procession since 2015 to observe the formal surrender of Japanese forces in September 1945, will be a show of China's military strength as some of its neighbours and Western nations look on with concern over the projection of power by the People's Liberation Army in recent years. From trucks fitted with devices to take out drones, new tanks and early-warning aircraft to protect China's aircraft carriers, military attaches and security analysts say they are anticipating a host of new weapons and equipment. Additions to its expanding suite of missiles, particularly anti-ship versions and weapons with hypersonic capabilities, will be particularly scrutinised as the U.S. and its allies prepare to counter China in any future regional conflict. "(The weapons and equipment) will fully demonstrate our military's robust ability to adapt to technological advancements, evolving warfare patterns, and win future wars," said Wu Zeke, deputy director of the military parade. New armaments due to debut at the parade will account for a significant share of those on display, according to the military officials. The exact number of troops, weapons and equipment to be shown was not disclosed. Hundreds of troops were seen practicing manoeuvres in formation at a military camp in a northwestern suburb of Beijing during a visit by Reuters on Wednesday. Groups of honour guards, both men and women, and in rows of 15 or 20, spread out along a runway-like track as officers shouted out commands. The roughly 70-minute, "Victory Day" parade on September 3, comprising 45 formations of troops, will be surveyed by President Xi Jinping at Tiananmen Square alongside a number of foreign leaders including Russian President Vladimir Putin, who also attended the 2015 parade. At the last World War Two parade, more than 12,000 soldiers, including diverse contingents ranging from Russia and Belarus to Mongolia and Cambodia, marched through the Chinese capital alongside veterans, including a handful from Taiwan who fought for the Republic of China's military. Many Western leaders shunned the 2015 event, wary of the message China would send with its exhibition of military might. Then-Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe declined to attend. Foreign attendees at the time included former German chancellor Gerhard Schroeder and former British prime minister Tony Blair. Authorities have stepped up security in downtown Beijing since the first rehearsals this month, setting up checkpoints, diverting traffic and shutting malls and office buildings. Beijing has so far conducted two large-scale rehearsals on the weekends of August 9-10 and 16-17, attended by 22,000 and 40,000 people involving troops, police and spectators. Among participants in Wednesday's practice manoeuvres in suburban Beijing was Staff Sergeant Lan Yu, 28, who was deployed to South Sudan in 2019 as part of a U.N. peacekeeping mission. "This year marks my 11th year in the military, and it's my first time representing the peacekeeping force in a parade," Lan said. He said China had always been a peace-loving nation, when asked about concerns overseas about China's growing military.


Times
11 hours ago
- Times
How postwar Germans tried to censor films with Nazi villains
Running throughout the middle of the 1960s, Combat! was one of the most vivid and successful Second World War dramas yet aired on the small screen. Its fictional but meticulously realistic account of an American infantry unit battling through German-occupied France after D-Day left millions, from Toronto to Taiwan, Los Angeles to Lima, glued to their black-and-white television sets every week. Yet it stuck in the craw for one group of viewers: West German officialdom. Two decades after the end of the war, diplomats and civil servants were horrified by what they saw as a flood of 'anti-German' films and television series that slandered the Wehrmacht soldiers as villains. 'You see them plundering, committing arson and murdering women and children,' the West German outpost in Caracas wrote in a cable to the foreign ministry, adding that it was quietly lobbying to have Combat! taken off the airwaves. This was part of a clandestine international campaign to try to suppress unflattering depictions of the Third Reich's war machine, which is detailed in a landmark historical study of the postwar West German government. It was an era in which Germans still widely believed in the myth of the 'clean Wehrmacht', which maintained that the Nazi military and its generals were mere soldiers doing their jobs and innocent of war crimes. Where atrocities had been committed, the theory held, the Nazi dictatorship and its 'party soldiers' in the SS were to blame. Later scholarship demonstrated conclusively that this was not the case: the Wehrmacht had in fact committed numerous war crimes on its own initiative, including the massacres of thousands of prisoners of war, the killing of tens of thousands of civilians and the rape of as many as ten million women. However, the West German state under Konrad Adenauer, the chancellor from 1949 to 1963, insisted on its innocence as a matter of policy. This was not just a political strategy to court the votes of millions of Wehrmacht veterans; it was also viewed as an essential part of the justification for West Germany's rearmament against the threat from the Soviet bloc from the early 1950s. • Secret files reveal the Nazis chosen to run West Germany In 1951 Adenauer had even persuaded Dwight Eisenhower, who had led the Allied assault on Nazi Germany and then became the supreme commander of Nato forces in Europe, to issue a statement absolving the 'great majority' of German soldiers. This belief was so entrenched that West German officials were outraged by postwar films that shed light on the Third Reich's crimes against humanity. Some of these incidents are already notorious: in 1956, for example, the West German interior ministry and embassy in Paris tried to have Night and Fog, the French director Alain Resnais' award-winning documentary about the Auschwitz and Majdanek death camps, withdrawn from the programme at the Cannes film festival. Jutta Braun, a senior researcher at the Leibniz Centre for Contemporary History in Potsdam, has uncovered evidence that these efforts were much more extensive than previously known, and lasted until well into the 1970s. Sifting through the archives of the German Federal Press Office (BPA), Braun found officials had not only maintained a list of 'anti-German propaganda' in war films but also used underhand means to try to get them pulled from cinemas and television schedules. Its targets were numerous: not only Combat! and Night and Fog but also other popular American series such as The Rat Patrol, which told the story of American and British soldiers trying to sabotage Rommel's Afrika Korps, and Jericho, which followed British, American and French spies behind enemy lines. In 1965 the West German embassy in Washington, led by an ambassador who had previously headed the anti-American propaganda section in the Nazi German foreign ministry, went so far as to blame 'the type of Jewish liberal who has great influence in the modern communications industry' for the tide of 'hate-films' that had added murderous German soldiers to the pantheon of 'bad guys'. The campaign also affected Canada, where the public broadcaster, CBC, had aired a documentary about the Warsaw Ghetto uprising of 1943 and a film from 1944 that imagined the prosecution of Nazi war criminals. The West German embassy complained that it was 'defaming' a Nato ally and secured an apology from the head of CBC, who said the scheduling had been a mistake by his staff. Other diplomats suggested using threats and financial pressure to bully the films' sponsors and distributors into backing out. 'We do not wish to impose a political burden on our export sector, but the embassy regards an intensified pressure in this area as promising,' the embassy in Guatemala wrote back to Bonn in 1967, as the central American state was gripped by enthusiasm for Combat!. One member of staff in the Washington embassy boasted of having persuaded a Kentucky-based tobacco company to pull its sponsorship for an unspecified Second World War television series. In 1965 the embassy planted articles in the Staats-Zeitung und Herold, one of the biggest German-language newspapers in the US, that called on Americans with German roots to lodge protests with the broadcasters, the sponsors and their local congressmen. It explicitly called this a 'campaign … with the goal of curbing anti-German television broadcasts'. Not even WGBH, a worthy public broadcaster in Boston that relayed programmes from West Germany, was spared. The embassy criticised it for making an English-language version of a German documentary about everyday life in a concentration camp instead of picking up an 'excellent' television adaptation of Friedrich Schiller's play Don Carlos. 'This 'defensive battle' against so-called 'anti-German' films, especially in the United States, shows how hard the BPA was working to uphold the 'honour of the German soldier',' Braun said, adding that it 'reveals the authoritarian understanding of the state' and lack of a 'pluralistic view of the world'. Britain got off lightly. The embassy in London kept a watchful eye on popular series such as Colditz, an early 1970s drama about Allied prisoners of war trying to escape from Colditz Castle in Saxony, and Fawlty Towers. This was not always a comfortable experience: when the West German broadcaster WDR syndicated Fawlty Towers in 1978, it omitted the famous 'Don't mention the war' episode in which Basil Fawlty cannot keep himself from abusing a family of German hotel guests. Yet the West German diplomats in the UK were on the whole much more restrained than their counterparts in the Americas, praising the quality of television shows such as the documentary series Inside Germany and Thames Television's 1975 programme The Final Solution: Auschwitz. In fact the embassy was sanguine when the BBC broadcast a strident wartime propaganda film called 49th Parallel in 1974, more than 30 years after it was a hit in cinemas, and a London correspondent for the Welt newspaper published an apoplectic editorial calling on the West German government to defend its veterans. Karl-Günther von Hase, the West German ambassador in London and a previous head of the BPA, was forgiving of the British public's taste in war films and saw the issue in a more nuanced light. Most of the commentary in the British press, he noted, had come out against the 'glut of 'stupid-Hun' films'. He cabled to Bonn: 'There is scarcely any western country where the experience of the war has remained so alive as it has here. Britain had to fiercely defend its existence and mobilise the very last of its strength in two world wars.' Braun also found intriguing evidence that Britain might have meddled in the German media on at least one occasion. In the 1950s the Overseas News Agency, a New York-based entity that was secretly funded by what is now known as MI6, approached the BPA with a plan to plant positive articles about the history of soldiery, from Alexander the Great to the present day, in dozens of local newspapers. The BPA, which thought the idea fit with its own secret strategy of 'counter-infiltration', handed the agency 2,700 deutschmarks (a little over €8,000 in today's terms) to help it deliver the texts to 90 West German publications. Braun said it was not entirely clear whether the articles about soldiers were a covert British attempt to tilt the West German population towards supporting rearmament, or simply an opportunistic scheme dreamt up by the agency's go-between with the government in Bonn. However, she said these dark arts and the murky nexus of intelligence, spin and journalism were characteristic of the postwar years. Early in his chancellorship, Adenauer told Otto Lenz, his chief of staff, that the 'most urgent' priority was 'the establishment of appealing propaganda' for the state. Various proposals circulated at the highest level of his government for upgrading the BPA into a 'propaganda ministry' reminiscent of its Nazi predecessor under Joseph Goebbels, but in the service of democratic ideals. Although these plans were ultimately discarded, the BPA still 'stood in the shadow' of Goebbels's super-ministry, according to Braun. It stooped to methods such as suppressing its own opinion polling whenever the results cast the Germans in an unfavourable light, such as a study that found only 12 per cent of them had a positive opinion of Jews. It also hired several senior officials who had previously worked in Goebbels's propaganda apparatus. Felix von Eckardt, who ran the office from 1952 to 1955, had written more than 25 screenplays during the Third Reich, including The Dismissal (1942), which implied Hitler was Bismarck's true heir. Hans Schirmer, director of its overseas department in the 1950s, had joined the Nazi party weeks after Hitler seized power in 1933 and worked for Goebbels's ministry. A number of others had worked for the regime's newspapers. 'I was astonished how easy it was even for former journalists at Nazi, antisemitic hate-sheets such as Der Angriff or the Völkischer Beobachter to get jobs at the press office,' Braun said. 'And how simple it seems to have been for these people to 'write in any direction' — before 1945 in the service of the Nazi war of aggression, and then in the young Federal Republic to improve the image of the postwar democracy.' In the end, however, the BPA never attained anything like the level of power or influence that the propaganda ministry had wielded under the Third Reich, and democratically minded officials in its upper echelons often shot down the more outlandish plans for manipulating the public. Braun cited a 'witticism' from Von Hase: 'Goebbels sold criminal policies dangerously well. You could plausibly claim that our policies weren't criminal, but you also have to admit that they weren't dangerously well sold either.' 'That is correct,' Braun added. 'And, of course, it's a good thing.' The study is published in Das Kanzleramt: Bundesdeutsche Demokratie und NS Vergangenheit (The Chancellery: West German Democracy and the Nazi Past) by Jutta Braun, Nadine Freund, Christian Mentel and Gunnar Take


Reuters
2 days ago
- Reuters
Russian parliament speaker to visit China, Vedomosti says
MOSCOW, Aug 19 (Reuters) - Russian State Duma Chairman Vyacheslav Volodin is due to visit China this week as head of a parliamentary delegation, the Vedomosti newspaper reported on Tuesday, citing unidentified sources. Volodin will visit Beijing and Changchun, the newspaper said. Russian President Vladimir Putin is due to visit China at the end of August and early September for celebrations marking the end of World War Two in China. Nazi Germany's unconditional surrender came into force in Europe on May 8, 1945 but in Moscow it was already May 9, which became the Soviet Union's "Victory Day" in what Russians call the Great Patriotic War of 1941-45. The Soviet Union lost 27 million people in World War Two. In Asia, World War Two ended on Sept. 2 with the surrender of Japan after the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. Chinese Communist Party historians say China's casualties in the 1937-1945 Second Sino-Japanese War were 35 million. The Japanese occupation caused the displacement of as many as 100 million Chinese people and significant economic hardship, as well as the 1937 Nanjing Massacre, during which an estimated 100,000 to 300,000 victims were killed.