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From Sanjay Gandhi to Vijay Rupani: A list of political heavyweights, prominent figures who lost their lives in air tragedies

From Sanjay Gandhi to Vijay Rupani: A list of political heavyweights, prominent figures who lost their lives in air tragedies

Time of India3 days ago

The
Air India plane crash
in Gujarat's Ahmedabad claimed over 200 lives including that of former Gujarat chief minister Vijay Rupani.
Rupani was on the London-bound flight that crashed moments after taking off from the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel International Airport, killing 241 of the 242 persons on board.
Let's have a look at a list of the top politicians and prominent figures who lost their lives in air tragedies:
Homi Bhabha (1966)
India's pioneering nuclear physicist Homi Jehangir Bhabha died in a tragic crash aboard Air India Flight 101 on January 24, 1966. The plane crashed into Mont Blanc in the Swiss Alps due to a miscommunication with the Geneva air traffic control.
Sanjay Gandhi (1980)
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Congress leader and son of then prime minister Indira Gandhi, Sanjay Gandhi died in a tragic crash on June 23, 1980. Attempting aerial stunts in a Delhi Flying Club aircraft near the Safdarjung Airport, the plane lost control and crashed.
Madhavrao Scindia (2001)
Senior Congress leader Madhavrao Scindia, himself a former civil aviation minister, died on September 30, 2001, in a plane crash en route a political rally in Kanpur. The 10-seater private aircraft crashed due to poor weather conditions near Manipuri in Uttar Pradesh.
GMC Balayogi (2002)
Lok Sabha Speaker and Telugu Desam Party leader GMC Balayogi died in a chopper crash on March 3, 2002, when a private helicopter carrying him from Bhimavaram in West Godavari district crashed into a pond near Kaikalur in Krishna district of Andhra Pradesh.
Cyprian Sangma (2004)
Meghalaya's Rural Development Minister Cyprian Sangma and nine others, who were heading from Guwahati to Shillong on a Pawan Hans helicopter, were killed when the chopper crashed near the Barapani lake, just 20 km from the state capital, on September 22, 2004.
KS Sowmya (2004)
Famous South Indian actress K S Sowmya, popular as Soundarya, lost her life in an air crash on April 17, 2004. The "Sooryavansham" actress was flying from Bengaluru to Karimnagar with her brother at the time of the crash.
OP Jindal and Surender Singh (2005)
Industrialist and Haryana minister Om Prakash Jindal lost his life in a helicopter crash in 2005 along with Agriculture Minister Surender Singh. Their chopper was en route Chandigarh from Delhi when it crashed in Uttar Pradesh's Saharanpur.
YS Reddy (2009)
Then chief minister of Andhra Pradesh Y S Rajasekhara Reddy (2009), popularly known as
YSR
, died on September 2, 2009, when his Bell 430 helicopter crashed in the dense Nallamala forest due to bad weather.
Dorjee Khandu (2011)
Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Dorjee Khandu and four others were killed on April 30, 2011, when a helicopter carrying them from Tawang to Itanagar crashed in West Kameng district of the state.
CDS General Bipin Rawat (2021)
India's first Chief of Defence Staff, General Bipin Rawat, died in a helicopter crash on December 8, 2021. The incident occurred near Coonoor in Tamil Nadu while he was en route from Sulur to Wellington with his wife and 11 others.

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Today in Politics: PM Modi in Canada for G7 Summit; govt panel to meet on Ahmedabad plane crash
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  • Indian Express

Today in Politics: PM Modi in Canada for G7 Summit; govt panel to meet on Ahmedabad plane crash

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Pune bridge collapse: Congress demands accountability, calls for questions to be asked of those in power
Pune bridge collapse: Congress demands accountability, calls for questions to be asked of those in power

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timean hour ago

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Pune bridge collapse: Congress demands accountability, calls for questions to be asked of those in power

The Congress on Sunday (June 15, 2025) condoled the loss of lives in the collapse of a footbridge over the Indrayani River in Pune's Maval tehsil and demanded accountability, saying it is imperative that all individuals found responsible for this tragedy are held accountable under law. Four persons died and 18 others were seriously injured after a 32-year-old iron pedestrian bridge on the Indrayani river that had been declared unsafe collapsed on Sunday afternoon in Pune's Maval tehsil, prima facie due to crowding by tourists who ignored the warning board at the spot. More than 100 persons were present on the bridge, a popular spot for tourists and picnickers, when the incident took place at 3:30 p.m. in Kundamala, which has seen heavy rains in the past few days, giving the river a steady flow, officials said Follow Rains LIVE updates on June 16 Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge said the bridge collapse is a deeply distressing and an avoidable tragedy. "My heartfelt condolences go out to the families of the victims, and I am praying for the swift recovery and well-being of the tourists swept away by the river current," he said. "I salute the tireless dedication of the rescue teams who are working around the clock to locate and save those affected. I also wish a speedy and complete recovery to the several injured people in this devastating incident," Mr. Kharge said on X. "Even as we mourn this profound loss, it's crucial that we seek accountability. Such preventable disasters demand meaningful questions be asked of those in power," he said. It is imperative that all individuals found responsible for this tragedy are held to account under the full force of the law, Mr. Kharge said. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi said the news of many people drowning due to the collapse of the bridge on the Indrayani river in Pune is extremely saddening. "I express my deepest condolences to the families of the deceased and hope for the safety of those who are still missing. I appeal to the administration to carry out relief and rescue operations with full promptness," the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha said in a post in Hindi on X. Congress' media and publicity department head Pawan Khera said the collapse of the footbridge in Pune's Maval tehsil is a heartbreaking tragedy. "Our heartfelt condolences to the families who have lost their loved ones, and our thoughts are with those injured or still missing," Mr. Khera said. Each life lost in this avoidable disaster is a painful reminder of the cost of neglect, he said, adding that public safety should not be an afterthought. "In this moment of immense grief, we are deeply grateful for the brave and tireless efforts of the search and rescue teams. Grief must be met with accountability. But today, we stand first with those who are grieving, and honour the spirit of those still searching, and still hoping," Mr. Khera said.

India's decade of vulnerability: Modi must build consensus
India's decade of vulnerability: Modi must build consensus

The Print

timean hour ago

  • The Print

India's decade of vulnerability: Modi must build consensus

Russia will remain in China's suffocating embrace as long as the Ukraine war continues, and the US, under Donald Trump's transactional, sound-byte-led politics, is deeply divided and unlikely to be a reliable friend to anybody, leave alone India. Thanks to a downward spiralling global order, India faces a decade of economic and security vulnerability. The China-Pakistan revisionist front is now a much bigger threat, and Bangladesh could join this anti-India alliance, either covertly or overtly, after the next general elections. India's vulnerabilities One, unlike post-war Europe, Japan, the Asian tigers, and China, which became economic powerhouses with the blessings of the US, India will not have any of that advantage. In fact, both the US and China will do many things to slow down India's growth and rise in global stature. Until we become a $10 trillion economy, and generate lots of quality jobs, we will be both internally and externally under pressure. However, reaching $10 trillion may take us a decade, if not more, even under the best of circumstances. Two, while our defence capabilities are improving and increasingly based on internal capabilities, high-tech war-making machines like the AMCA (advanced medium combat aircraft with stealth capabilities), may take 10 years to develop and deploy, not to speak of warships and nuclear submarines to guard the Indian Ocean Region. And that is an optimistic scenario. But China is accelerating the rearming of Pakistan with stealth fighters—leaving us vulnerable in the short-term. The purpose here is to not just emphasise the challenges, but make a broader point on how they can be overcome by sheer political will: India cannot do this without greater political consensus. Without consensus, the reforms needed to speed up growth and achieve atmanirbharta (self-reliance) in defence will remain stalled, as political parties stay busy spending taxpayer resources on freebies just to get elected. Government and opposition will be working at cross-purposes. Our 0.5 front is not only about secessionist forces, but any debilitating political opposition that could thwart forward movement on reforms. Calling the opposition anti-national serves no useful purpose. Our internal ruptures are not always the result of policy disagreements; they have an intractable edge because of political ego clashes and deep personal animosities. This is epitomised by the deep distrust Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi have for one another, even though they will probably end up doing the same things when in power. Under Modi, there is practically no Congress initiative—direct benefit transfers, Aadhaar, MGNREGA, etc—that the Modi government has not carried forward with minor tweaks. This is unlikely to change much even if the roles were reversed in any future election, though that seems unlikely right now. Also read: Modi vs non-BJP CMs: When most popular isn't all-powerful & why Centre-state ties will worsen How do we build a consensus? As always, the initiative lies with the Modi government, as was amply demonstrated recently when it constituted and dispatched all-party delegations to multiple countries to canvas support for India's stand on terrorism after Operation Sindoor. The only sour note was struck by the Congress party, whose members were a major part of these delegations. The Congress was distinctly uncomfortable with the government's choice of delegates, especially Thiruvananthapuram MP Shashi Tharoor. A simple phone call from the Prime Minister to Rahul Gandhi could have resolved the issue. Instead, the government chose—wisely, in the end—an articulate Tharoor, despite the Congress's objections. India needs reforms and deregulation in many areas, including defence, agriculture, land and labour laws, and in the police-legal-judicial system, which is neither capable of delivering speedy justice nor maintaining law and order without draconian laws. These non-economic reforms are what will enable us to become a $10 trillion economy faster. Even with a political consensus, these reforms will take three to five years to start delivering, and so we need a Prime Minister fully engaged with this effort—not one distracted by short-term political compulsions. The good news is that Modi has ample political capital. The big question is whether he will use it sparingly, more to win elections than to build consensus. For example, whenever all-party meetings are called, he leaves it to his lieutenants to manage, and seldom makes a personal appearance. Trying to stay so far above the battle and not be willing to spend some of his political capital to ensure consensus is not a healthy sign. Most of Modi's policies are broadly in the right direction—barring the rapid expansion of freebie culture—but given India's forthcoming decade of vulnerability, he must consider focusing primarily on meeting those threats, and devolve more power to states and local bodies. Political stalemate India's diplomatic and security challenges are great, and tackling them needs extreme political focus. How can you be building India's defence capabilities and global alliances—which require considerable attention—when you also have to deal with angry farmers landing up on Delhi's doorstep and blocking the roads? Should agriculture not be left fully to states to handle, with the Centre only focused on building national buffer stocks in crucial food grains and critical commodities like petroleum products or rare earths? How can you evolve a sensible strategy to attract manufacturing if you are busy dealing with intractable law and order issues, a dilatory judicial process, and a restive minority population—especially when land and labour laws remain unreformed? How can you manage fiscal and monetary policy effectively if states are constantly cribbing about the lack of resources, and power subsidies and other freebies are draining exchequers? How can you create good jobs if urban areas are so poorly governed, and the infrastructure needed to enable orderly growth is pathetic? The Modi government lost its reform mojo in its second term, even though it had a parliamentary majority. After he was forced by street pressure to reverse three farm laws in 2019 and put the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) in abeyance until election time in 2024, the reform agenda took a back seat. The P word—privatisation—has gone missing after Air India was handed over to the Tatas. Forget opposition obstructionism. Can Modi get even his own BJP-ruled states to deregulate, reform and make the changes needed to force competitive reforms in other states? Paradoxically, Modi's political capital may also be hindering reform, for his own partymen may think political survival only needs them to sing Modi's praises instead of doing the hard work on reforms. The opposition also believes that defeating Modi needs excessive spending on freebies. The way out is clear Modi has to use his political capital to push all kinds of reforms forward, in both BJP-ruled states and those governed by the opposition. If that needs the Centre to shed some of its excess powers, so be it. If Governors need to be reined in, jolly good. If delimitation is on the table, Modi must again step up to the plate personally. He cannot leave these jobs entirely to his ministers, who may not have the political heft to swing the deals needed to move India forward. As for China, Modi has the difficult task of both engaging Beijing for equitable trade deals and building up military muscle to deter any adventurism on its part. A tough balancing act, which would be easier if the opposition were not constantly carping about his weakness, including levelling the preposterous allegation that Modi gave in to Donald Trump's pressure during Operation Sindoor, as encapsulated in Rahul Gandhi's 'Narender, Surrender' jibe. In the short post-Pahalgam conflict with Pakistan, China's hand-holding of Islamabad's armaments was unmistakable. PM Modi must ask himself a simple question: what is the use of all my prestige and political capital if it ultimately does not get things done for the country? He has to get his politics right. This means his 56-inch chest must disclose an open heart to win over the opposition in the interests of the country. He can leave the task of winning elections to his second-in-command and state satraps, who must be allowed to grow in stature and do the job he is trying to do when he has other things to worry about. India does not need double-engine sarkars; it needs three engines firing in sync—at the central, state, and local levels—to boost growth. In short: India's decade of vulnerability needs a Prime Minister fully engaged with the threats and challenges it faces—both globally and at home. He cannot afford to be distracted by the need to pander to narrow politics. R Jagannathan is the former editorial director, Swarajya magazine. He tweets @TheJaggi. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)

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