logo
Watch live: Hearings begin into Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill

Watch live: Hearings begin into Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill

RNZ News3 days ago
Analysis
: A week of political scrutiny lies ahead for one of the government's most polarising bills, dubbed by some critics as "Treaty Principles 2.0".
Starting Monday morning, the Finance and Expenditure select committee will reconvene for about
30 hours over four days
to hear public submissions on the lightning rod
Regulatory Standards Bill
.
The bill - championed by ACT's David Seymour - sets out "principles of responsible regulation" and would require ministers to explain whether they are following them.
It would also set up a new board to assess legislation against those benchmarks.
But while it may sound dry and technical, the legislation has become a flashpoint in a wider debate about the country's constitution, te Tiriti o Waitangi, and competing ideologies.
Among the submitters on day one: former prime minister Sir Geoffrey Palmer, former Green MP Darleen Tana, Transpower, and the Royal Australian and NZ College of Psychiatrists.
The bill - championed David Seymour - sets out "principles of responsible regulation".
Photo:
RNZ / Cole Eastham-Farrelly
The bill lists principles that Seymour believes should guide all law-making. These include:
Ministers introducing new laws would have to declare whether they meet these standards, and justify those that do not.
The new Regulatory Standards Board - appointed by the Minister for Regulation - could also review older laws and make non-binding recommendations.
"We need to make regulating less rewarding for politicians by putting more sunlight on their activities," Seymour told Parliament in May.
Opposition to the bill has been intense. An early round of consultation last year attracted about 23,000 submissions, with 88 percent in opposition and just 0.33 percent in support.
Seymour has dismissed that as "meaningless" and initially claimed many of the submissions had been created by "bots". He later walked that back, but maintained they were driven by non-representative online campaigns.
It is true campaign groups have provided templates for submissions or even offered to write them on people's behalf.
But the pushback has come from far and wide: lawyers, academics, advocacy groups and public servants. Even Seymour's own Ministry of Regulation has raised concerns.
Seymour has labelled much of the criticism "alarmist" and grounded in misinformation. He's also targetted some critics on social media, accusing them of having "derangement syndrome" and conspiracy thinking.
The most common criticisms are:
1. That it elevates ACT's values above all else
Critics argue the bill embeds ACT's political ideology into law, particularly its emphasis on individual rights and private property, while ignoring other considerations.
Notably, te Tiriti o Waitangi is not mentioned in the bill - an omission which critics fear could undermine the Treaty's legal status and influence.
Seymour says he has yet to hear a convincing reason why the Treaty should get special consideration when evaluating good law-making.
Critics also object to the principle of individual property rights being given prominence over, say, collective rights.
They fear the bill could dissuade governments from introducing rules that protect the environment, or restrictions on tobacco and alcohol, because that might be seen as breaching the listed principles.
Even though the government could still pass those laws, critics worry it would send a message that profits and property are more important than public health or environmental protections.
For his part, Seymour is unapologetic about the principles proposed and open that he wants to reset the culture of government.
"If you want to tax someone, take their property, and restrict their livelihood, you can, but you'll actually have to show why it's in the public interest," Seymour says.
2. That it's a solution in search of a problem
New Zealand already has a raft of systems in place to check laws are made properly.
For example, Cabinet's Legislation Guidelines require ministers to follow best practice principles - including the rule of law, human rights compliance and consultation.
The Legislation Design and Advisory Committee, made up of experts and officials, also provides detailed feedback on bills, and Treasury checks the impact of major policy decisions.
As well, Justice officials and Crown Law conduct Bill of Rights vetting of legislation, with the Attorney-General required to report any breaches.
Critics say this bill just adds another layer of process - increasing cost and workload for little benefit.
To that, Seymour says: "If the public service think being required to justify their laws is a faff, imagine what it's like for the public they have to serve who are obliged to follow them."
3. That it is a corporate power grab
A lingering concern has been whether the bill could open the government up to legal challenges or claims for compensation - especially from large corporations.
Among its principles, the bill does include the concept that property should not usually be taken without consent and "fair compensation".
But the legislation also clearly states that it does not create any new legal rights or obligation enforceable through the courts.
That means companies would not have a new avenue to sue the government if a law affected their property or profits.
Still, critics argue that simply embedding the principle in law could alter expectations over time. Businesses or lobby groups, for example, might point to it to put pressure on ministers to avoid certain policies.
As well, lawyers say the courts could take note of the new principles when interpreting legislation or reviewing regulatory decisions elsewhere.
The National-ACT coalition agreement includes a firm commitment to pass the bill through into law - though not necessarily in its current form.
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon says the government will pay close attention to the select committee process and remains open to changes.
"The devil is in the detail," he told reporters on Friday.
New Zealand First leader Winston Peters has described the bill as "a work in progress" and has indicated his party wants changes. He has not specified which provisions in particular concern him.
The opposition parties, Labour, the Greens and Te Pāti Māori, have already promised to repeal the bill if elected next year.
That means, for all the noise, the bill's practical impact may be limited, affecting only the parties introducing it - which presumably would adhere to these principles whether they were codified in law or not.
The select committee hearings will run from 8:30am till 5pm, Monday through Thursday.
Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero
,
a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

NZ First now third most popular party - Taxpayers' Union-Curia Poll
NZ First now third most popular party - Taxpayers' Union-Curia Poll

RNZ News

timean hour ago

  • RNZ News

NZ First now third most popular party - Taxpayers' Union-Curia Poll

NZ First leader Winston Peters. Photo: RNZ / Samuel Rillstone The latest political poll shows the coalition parties reasserting their lead, driven by a surge in support for New Zealand First, now the third most popular party. The latest Taxpayers' Union-Curia Poll, published on Thursday, shows NZ First leapfrogging both the Greens and ACT for the first time since the poll began in 2021. NZ First registered 9.8 percent, up 3.2 points compared to the last poll in June. Just behind, the Greens received 9.4 percent, up 1.2 points, while ACT came in at 9.1 percent, unchanged. The poll also puts National back in the top spot, up 0.4 points to 33.9 percent, with Labour faltering on 31.6 percent, down 3.2 point. Te Pāti Māori had a 0.2-point increase to 3.5 percent. On those numbers, the coalition parties would secure 65 seats - up three from last month - compared to 57 seats for the opposition. The surge in popularity for NZ First comes after its leader Winston Peters handed over the deputy prime ministership to ACT's David Seymour at the end of May. Voters' enthusiasm for both prime ministerial contenders remained muted with just 19.7 percent naming National's Christopher Luxon as their preference and just 19.6 percent naming Labour's Chris Hipkins. In third sport was Peters, on 9.3 percent, and then Green co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick on 7 percent. Seymour was in fifth on 5.7 percent. Asked for their top issues, respondents overall gave the cost-of-living top billing at 21.6 percent. The economy registered at 19.1 percent, with health in third place on 13.3 percent. The poll was conducted by Curia Market Research for the New Zealand Taxpayers' Union and has a maximum margin of error of +/- 3.1 percent. It surveyed 1000 adult New Zealanders - 780 by phone and 220 by online panel - from Wednesday 2 July through to Sunday 6 July, The results are weighted to reflect the overall voting adult population in terms of gender, age, and area, 7.9 percent were undecided on the party vote question. Curia is a long-running and established pollster in New Zealand, which has resigned its membership from the Research Association New Zealand (RANZ) industry body. Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero , a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

Midday Report Essentials for Thursday 10th July 2025
Midday Report Essentials for Thursday 10th July 2025

RNZ News

time2 hours ago

  • RNZ News

Midday Report Essentials for Thursday 10th July 2025

In today's episode, Local government politicians still have questions about how future climate adaptation will be funded; The Royal Commission of Inquiry into New Zealand's Covid-19 response is in the middle of another day of public hearings, this time focusing on vaccines; Consumer New Zealand says penalties under our fair trading laws may need to be tougher to deter bad behaviour; The New Zealand Nurses Organisation says urgent funding is needed keep a South Auckland hospice from cutting services. To embed this content on your own webpage, cut and paste the following: See terms of use.

On Why The Regulatory Standards Bill Is A Hot Mess
On Why The Regulatory Standards Bill Is A Hot Mess

Scoop

time3 hours ago

  • Scoop

On Why The Regulatory Standards Bill Is A Hot Mess

When the politician pushing a controversial piece of legislation starts accusing his critics of derangement syndrome as David Seymour has done this week then any chance of a rational debate on the Regulatory Standards Bill has gone When the politician pushing a controversial piece of legislation starts accusing his critics of 'derangement syndrome' – as David Seymour has done this week – then any chance of a rational debate on the Regulatory Standards Bill has gone out the window. Seymour's tantrum confirms the fears held by constitutional experts (and by many of the public) that Seymour is unfit to wield the powers conferred on him by this legislation. The Bill is a hot mess. That may be intentional. Is it a genuine power grab on behalf of corporates and foreign investors? Or is it a toothless rollcall of libertarian platitudes? Or is it something in between…say, a shot across the bow of the courts meant to chill their enthusiasm for upholding any environmental right or consumer protection that the business sector is known to oppose? For Seymour, reaching clarity on any of this may be irrelevant. After all, the politics of polarisation consciously generates fear and heat and anger; its what turns society into rival tribes, for the purposes of divide and rule. As with the Treaty Principles Bill, stirring up the liberal Establishment is one of the main goals of the exercise. In other words, it doesn't really matter if the Regulatory Standards Bill gets passed, for not. For ACT, it will have served its purpose if it merely becomes a media circus, in which Seymour gets to tread the parliamentary sawdust once more as the ringmaster, while the rest of the public cheers and jeers. That's how politics-as-performance works. It is never mainly meant to be a politics of substance. If it works out that way, that's only a bonus. Seeing red at red tape All along, Seymour's tendency to equate 'regulation' with ' red tape' has signalled the ideological bias behind his pet project. The Regulatory Standards Bill happens to be targeted at the body of environmental, consumer, workplace and Treaty-based regulations that have been developed since the 1970s to meet the needs of a modern, pluralistic society. No doubt, regulations are annoying and bothersome to the narcissists in our midst, but most of the time, those rules exist for a reason. They make society more liveable, for the majority of us. A social safety net is a hindrance only to the sort of people who never have to rely on it. Back to the Future Unfortunately, this means that the public has to explain patiently to the likes of Seymour, Federated Farmers and BusinessNZ that central government should respond (a)when extreme weather conditions driven by climate change wreak havoc on communities and households (b) when rivers and lakes get polluted for profit (c) when fishing stocks are driven to the brink of collapse (d) when our rate of workplace fatalities exceeds those in comparable countries (d) when predatory pricing is rife at banks and supermarkets and (e)when Māori health statistics continue to deteriorate… etc etc. You get the picture. Telling monolithic sectors of the economy that they have to act responsibly in the public good isn't socialism; its how a viable social democracy works. If anything we need more forms of co-ordinated action by central and local government to address the inequities in society. Instead, the coalition government seems to be intent on unloading the cost and responsibility onto individuals, households and communities. It seems to be intent on atomising society, not on bringing it together. Needless to say, this political philosophy – it relies a lot on stoking fear and greed, division and resentment – prepares us badly for the social and environmental challenges that New Zealand is facing over the next 25 years. In that respect, the Regulatory Standards Bill is a real throwback. It is as retro as the acid-wash jeans and shoulder pads fashionable during the mid 1980s high summer of neo-liberal thinking. And because the political worldview of Seymour (and his corporate sponsors) seem to be frozen in that primitive period of mid-1980s market economics, there's a historical dimension missing entirely from the draft Bill. Basically, there are no criteria for discerning' good' regulation from 'bad' regulation, beyond the whims and prejudices of the people chosen (by Seymour) to administer the legislation. What could possibly go wrong? While this may not be apparent to the ACT Party, regulation isn't just about red tape and bureaucracy getting in the way of the buccaneers of the boardroom. For the century preceding the 1980s, regulators working in tandem with government, business and (to a lesser extent, unions) created the rules that have governed market competition. Capitalism thrived under this regime. In a recent essay in Washington Monthly, Phillip Longman spelled out just how far into the engine room of the economy those regulations reached. The majority of the public were employed, housed and fed by these egalitarian rules, to an extent that free market economics has failed miserably to match. Here's Longman, listing some of those beneficial regulations: Which kind of banks could operate here and how much interest could they charge, or pay? What rates could railroads or airlines set for transporting various types of cargo or passengers over different distances? How much profit could investors in electric utilities or telecommunication companies make, and what customers were they required to serve, and at what prices? Point being, these rules were the product of a collaborative process, not the result of a deliberately divisive one. It was a process that did not toss the lessons of the past onto a regulatory bonfire: Working with industry, federal lawmakers and regulators hashed out rules that determined who could enter and exit different key sectors, what terms of service they could impose and with whom they could merge. During America's century-long rise as a capitalist superpower, such market rules fit together to form an increasingly sophisticated and pervasive system. That system has been called 'regulated competition.' Sure, there was some regulatory capture, on occasions. But at the time, there was a shared understanding that if left unregulated, market forces will naturally converge into a few dominant players, who will then prey on their captive customers. That's what we're seeing now with our banks, supermarkets and electricity companies, and what we saw with our telcos in the recent past. It may sound like a paradox, but 'free' markets have to be constantly regulated in order to remain free. No doubt, this is a fallible process. Arguably, Big Tech today needs to be regulated for anti-trust purposes in the same way as the US oil magnates, railway barons and meat packing companies were in the past. Unfortunately it is these kind of 'sophisticated and pervasive' systems of regulation that Seymour and his boardroom friends are demonising (and wish to tear down) for their short term political and economic gain. The folly of doing so has already been demonstrated in post-Thatcher Britain, where devastated communities are now turning to Nigel Farage for their salvation. Likewise in the US, the millions of victims of de-regulated market forces have turned to Donald Trump. In New Zealand the same quackery – remove the chains of regulation and set our entrepreneurial spirit free! – is being preached to us by David Seymour. We need to oppose it, tooth and nail. Footnote: In the light of the coalition government's attitude to the coercive contracts now common within the gig economy – sign away your employment rights or you won't get the job – it is interesting to read this paragraph written by the US Supreme Court judges 114 years ago, as they ordered the breaking up of the oil empire of America's first billionaire, John D Rockefeller, into over 30 smaller companies. In England and in the US before 1911, the Supreme Court said: … Public policy has been to prohibit, or treat as illegal, contracts, or acts entered into with intent to wrong the public and which unreasonably restrict competitive conditions, limit the right of individuals, restrain the free flow of commerce, or bring about public evils such as the enhancement of prices. Sheesh. If only New Zealand would prohibit (or treat as illegal) coercive contracts that limit the rights of individuals, wrong the public, restrict competition and foster public evils such as price fixing by supermarkets and electricity companies. Unfortunately, the simple-minded worldview being promoted by the Regulatory Standards Bill will make such public evils more likely, not less so. The Dark Star of Inflation There isn't an obvious link between central banking and the Grateful Dead. Yet two years ago, US Federal Reserve chairman Jerome Powell publicly confessed to the House Financial Services Committee that he has been a Grateful Dead fan for the past 50 years. To the vast irritation of Donald Trump, Powell is refusing to cut US interest rates until he sees what the inflationary impact of Trump's tariffs will be. Because of the uncertain inflation outlook, Australia's central bank also refused this week to cut interest rates. Yesterday, the RBNZ did the same. It kept the rate at 3.25% despite pleas by economists and by pundits that our economy is languishing in a really, really weak condition. Unemployment is at very high levels, employment is falling and people with little or no job security are feeling naturally reluctant to spend what money they have. Perversely though…more people being thrown out of work, wage growth being suppressed and more households being daunted by high prices at the checkout all tend to be welcomed by the RBNZ. Why? Because they provide a brake on inflation. Given such brutal realities, its no wonder people have always flocked to the serenity of Dead concerts. Down the years though, the band's fan base have not simply been comprised of travellers on the psychedelic astral plane. The tireless tapers of Dead concerts, and the compulsive setlist compilers include a lot of workaholic Type A personalities as well. Here are the members of the RBNZ monetary policy committee that sets interest rates. No offence, but it isn't easy to spot the likely Grateful Dead fan (or fans) among them. Here's the Dead's signature track. By the time it ends, it will feel as if the policy committee's next meeting – and a further 25 point rate cut – is almost due.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store