Muslim Vote to support candidates in NSW, Victorian elections
The Muslim Vote endorsed independent candidates in three Labor-held seats – Watson and Blaxland in western Sydney and Calwell in Melbourne's north-west.
Its greatest success was in Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke's seat of Watson, where independent Ziad Basyouny was the second-most popular candidate on a two-candidate preferred basis.
Burke, who was accused of 'vote buying' after holding pre-election mass citizenship ceremonies in Sydney's culturally diverse western suburbs, still comfortably won the seat, receiving 66 per cent of the vote after preferences were distributed.
In Education Minister Jason Clare's seat of Blaxland, Ahmed Ouf won 18.76 per cent of first preferences, but the Liberal candidate was second-preferred. In Calwell, Samim Moslih only garnered 6.85 per cent of first preferences.
Despite failing to win a seat, Muslim Vote convenor Sheikh Wesam Charkawi said the results were a 'significant step' that 'demonstrated the model works'.
In each seat, the independent campaign ate into both Labor and the Liberals' first preference vote distribution from the 2022 federal election.
'One form of success in the political arena is unseating the sitting minister. Another form is winning hearts and minds of the masses, setting the foundations for future challenges,' Charkawi said.
'We've had an avalanche of people reach out to us post-election, either to be candidates or to support our work ... The community isn't backing down. We all want to continue.'
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Perth Now
an hour ago
- Perth Now
'Liberal-Green alliance' with parliament to resume
Tasmania is set for an ongoing minority Liberal government after a snap election, a hung parliament and a failed bid by Labor to seize power. Parliament will sit on Tuesday for the first time since the July 19 poll delivered the Liberals 14 seats and Labor 10, both short of the 18 mark required for majority. Liberal leader Jeremy Rockliff was recommissioned as premier but his ongoing support was set to be tested by a Labor no-confidence motion in parliament. Labor leader Dean Winter's attempt to court the cross bench hit a fatal bump on Monday when the five-seat Greens, whose support his party needed, said they could not back the motion. Kristie Johnston and David O'Byrne, two of five independents on the cross bench, have also declared they won't support Labor. "I welcome members of the cross bench indicating they will not support the leader of the opposition's no-confidence motion," Mr Rockliff said. "The time for political games is well and truly over. We must get on with working together for all Tasmanians." The Liberals have in recent days made several policy concessions, including a pledge to ban greyhound racing by 2029 and launch a review into the state's salmon industry. Labor has refused to shift on policy in negotiations with the Greens, but did offer a broad working framework and an independent MP as treasurer. Greens leader Rosalie Woodruff said she was disappointed and frustrated with Mr Winter's "refusal to budge". Mr Winter, whose party's 26 per cent of the primary vote was its worst result in more than a century in Tasmania, accused Mr Rockliff of selling out traditional industries. "Tasmania has witnessed the birth of a Liberal-Green government," he said. "The Greens had a choice to make. They have chosen to support the Liberals." Dr Woodruff said the Greens' lack of confidence in Labor wasn't a vote of support for the Liberals, but she did acknowledge Mr Rockliff had made concessions. The July 19 election was triggered after Mr Rockliff lost a no-confidence motion in June citing Tasmania's ballooning debt and his infrastructure mismanagement. The Liberals, who have been in power since 2014, have governed in minority since 2023. Ms Johnston said the cross bench "tried very hard" during negotiations to ensure Labor could put its best foot forward and deliver change. "They simply have failed. Being more collaborative, they haven't done that," she told reporters.
The Advertiser
3 hours ago
- The Advertiser
Premier corruption probe 'unlikely' in another state
The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped. The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped. The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped. The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped.
The Advertiser
3 hours ago
- The Advertiser
'It's crunch time': productivity puzzle must be solved
It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do." It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do." It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do." It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do."
