logo
Gayton McKenzie reacts to claims he LIED about his race

Gayton McKenzie reacts to claims he LIED about his race

Gayton McKenzie has reacted to allegations he 'lied' about his racial background. The Patriotic Alliance leader – whose old tweets using the K-word recently resurfaced – identifies as a coloured South African.
This week, the Minister of Sport, Arts and Culture called for the hosts of the Open Chats Podcast to be cancelled over their derogatory comments about the racial minority.
On his Facebook account, Gayton McKenzie reacted to screenshots of social media users who accused him of 'lying' about being a coloured person.
One screenshot of an X post said of the minister: 'Gayton Mckenzie's real surname is Makena. It was allegedly changed by his father to McKenzie during Apartheid for better employment opportunities.
Another claimed that Patriotic Alliance leader's son Calvyn Le John used his mother's maiden name as to secure government contracts, a claim he has since disputed.
Gayton reacted to the accusations with several laughing face emojis.
🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣🤣 Posted by Gayton Mckenzie on Sunday 10 August 2025
In his 2006 biography The Choice, Gayton McKenzie – who was born and raised in Bloemfontein – shed light on his diverse background.
He wrote: 'My grandmother is Irish, my grandfather Japanese. My father is a product of that, but looks like a coloured man. My mother is Sotho. I simply look black.
'I am not entirely clear about my ethnicity. My parents have the photographs at home, but the genetics have been shuffled with a deck of wildcards, and the result is me, someone who looks nothing like the Irish, but has their luck, who looks nothing like the Japanese, and can't think of anything I have that's remotely related to them, except the DVD player at home.
'I can't even say I'm a typical Sotho, but at least I can tell you that in Sotho. Ke ka o bolelo ntho eo ka Sesotho'.
Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1.
Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X, and Bluesky for the latest news.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Jacob Zuma Morocco visit
Jacob Zuma Morocco visit

IOL News

time3 hours ago

  • IOL News

Jacob Zuma Morocco visit

Algerian Minister of Foreign Affairs meeting the ANC SG Fikile Mbalula, while the flag is displayed Image: Supplied In a press statement published on the 6th of August 2025, DIRCO has registered 'its strong objection and concern regarding circumstances around the recent visit of an eminent South African leader, former South African President Mr Jacob Zuma, who is the Leader of the Umkhonto We Sizwe Party, to Morocco on the 15th of July 2025'. Whilst recognising and respecting the sovereign right of Morocco to invite individuals and groups, DIRCO stated that 'it strongly protests the use of South African national symbols, in this instance the use of the South African National Flag, in the meeting between Mr Jacob Zuma and the Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Morocco'. This statement, which has been published three weeks after the visit, uses the excuse of the flag previously mentioned in the ANC press release concerning the visit of the previous Head of State to criticise the presence of the latter in Morocco. Indeed, the hypersensitivity of DIRCO and its unusual and exaggerated reaction raise several questions about the priorities of Foreign Policy in our country, especially during these tough times. Amidst the recent punitive Trump Tariffs, the focus should be to mend the trade relationship to assert the economic diplomacy plan that was adopted by DIRCO, DTIC and the Ministry of Finance. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad Loading Nonetheless, DIRCO took time among these huge trade problems with the USA that threaten our national interest to publish a press release concerning the visit of the former Head of State. This is not the first trip undertaken by Jacob Zuma as the former head of state outside of South Africa. It is indeed worth mentioning that M. Zuma has been invited this year to the inauguration ceremonies of both newly elected Ghana and Gabon presidents in his capacity as an ex-President of South Africa. During those two trips, M. Zuma received a warm welcome from the authorities of those two African countries without sparking any reaction from DIRCO. During his trip to Morocco, M. Jacob Zuma, who voiced his party's support for the autonomy proposal over the Sahara, has been very clear in his address, stating that it was his party's view and not of the State, thus closing the debate about any confusion regarding the South African Government's position concerning the conflict. This position expressed by MK was not a surprise at all. The South African Party published, nearly two months ago, a detailed document named 'A strategic Partnership for African Unity, Economic Emancipation and Territorial Integrity: Morocco', in which it detailed its stance concerning Morocco and the Western Sahara conflict In this document, Umkhonto WeSizwe stated that: 'Commitment to sovereignty: Morocco's efforts to reclaim its full territorial integrity align with the MK Party's commitment to preserving the sovereignty and unity of African states. This resonates more than ever with South Africa as our country battles against internal forces aiming at breaking our country's territorial integrity. Thus, MK party remains steadfast in defending the territorial integrity of South Africa as a sacrosanct principle of its foreign policy'. This statement of MK brought to light the inexistence of a consensus concerning the issue of Western Sahara among the political sphere in South Africa. It is also worth recalling that when the ANC reacted to the position expressed by MK concerning Western Sahara citing 'the right of Self-determination of Western Sahara', the separatist movement 'cape independence' published, on the 20th July 2025, a tweet saying:' Hypocrisy Alert! ANC pushes for Western Sahara independence while denying Western Cape & other SA groups the same right to self-determination. What's good for one isn't good for all?'. Coming back to the issue of the flag, well-informed cadres among the MK party said that 'The South African flag displayed during Mr. Zuma's visit was done at his express request, as a gesture of honour and respect for his position as a previous Head of State'. Moreover, it is universal practice for national flags to be present in nongovernmental contexts and engagements: sporting competitions, cultural events, civil forums, etc, added the cadres of MK. Thus, the DIRCO statement raises the issue of the use of the national flag by South African citizens, organisations and political parties in General. Expressing concerns over this issue, the spokesperson of MK, M. Nhlamulo Ndhlela, said that 'Mbalula, on his visit in 2023 in Algeria, had a national flag of South Africa in a picture taken with him and the foreign minister of Algeria and DIRCO said nothing. Why now? The ANC and its GNU do not own the South African flag; it belongs to South Africans, and President Zuma is a South African, and a former head of state'. On the details of Zuma's trip to Morocco, IOL was able to confirm that the visit was prepared with the involvement of the South African Embassy in Rabat, which officially asked the Moroccan authorities to grant Mr. Zuma protocol treatment. Under these conditions, some experts contacted by IOL declared that it is 'totally contradictory for the South African authorities to request that Mr. Zuma be treated as a high dignitary, only to criticise the use of the South African flag during his visit'. It is worth noting that all the previous Heads of state in South Africa, when they undertake a trip abroad, are asked to communicate all the details of their trip to the State protocol, who then inform DIRCO to take all the measures to coordinate with the relevant authorities of the country all the aspects of the visit including the protocol. The aspects raised above are just a reflection of the existing deep disagreement of different South African political parties with the ANC's foreign policy, which has sparked a big debate about the national foreign policy of South Africa and the actual existence of a consensus around its priorities. Indeed, the DA, which is a partner of the ANC in the GNU, has undertaken, in March 2025, a trip to the USA, which was officially communicated by the previous DA Spokesperson on International Relations & Cooperation, Mrs Emma Powell, in total contradiction with the official position expressed by the South African Government and DIRCO.

National Dialogue may not be a success
National Dialogue may not be a success

IOL News

time3 hours ago

  • IOL News

National Dialogue may not be a success

President Cyril Ramaphosa announced the National Dialogue, which aims to facilitate conversations among diverse South African stakeholders, including government, civil society, and political organisations. However, it has already drawn criticism regarding its high costs. Image: ANC/X The much-anticipated National Dialogue, set to kick off with a National Convention at the University of South Africa (Unisa) in Pretoria on 15 and 16 August 2025, is facing mounting challenges, with the withdrawal of several high-profile foundations raising questions about its future success. The dialogue, which aims to facilitate conversations among diverse South African stakeholders, including government, civil society, and political organisations, has already drawn criticism regarding its high costs. The reported R700 million price tag for the event has caused concern, despite the Presidency's efforts to manage expenses and reduce the financial burden on taxpayers. In response to the growing criticism, the Presidency assured the public that the budgetary process for the National Dialogue adhered to the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), and that efforts had been made to secure services and facilities at no cost. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Unisa, for instance, has offered to host the event for free, providing a range of services such as venues, catering, Wi-Fi, and printing of discussion materials. Additionally, the government has secured further in-kind donations, including transportation, public viewing screens, and other logistical support, which the Presidency claims will significantly reduce the overall cost of the dialogue. The National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) and the Presidency will also contribute from their existing budgets to cover communication and logistical expenses. However, despite these efforts, the National Dialogue faces a crisis of participation. Key players in South Africa's civil society and political landscape have pulled out of the event. Prominent foundations, including the Steve Biko Foundation, the Thabo Mbeki Foundation, and the Desmond and Leah Tutu Legacy Foundation, have all announced their decision to withdraw. These organisations have expressed concerns about the lack of adequate financing, the erosion of citizen leadership in the dialogue process, and the shift of control towards the government. According to the foundations, what began as a citizen-led initiative has gradually become dominated by government interests. They argue that the event, which was originally intended to empower citizens, has lost its focus due to the government's insistence on pushing forward with the convention, despite advice from the organising subcommittee chairs. The foundations further criticised the lack of a proper platform for meaningful dialogue, as well as the misalignment within the organising committee and the short timelines involved in organising the event. 'In pushing forward for a convention on 15 August at the will of government officials and against the advice of the subcommittee chairs, we believe that a critical moment in which citizens should be leading will be undermined,' the statement from the foundations read. While the dialogue is expected to draw leaders from various political parties and civil society organisations, the absence of these key foundations casts doubt on the true inclusiveness and effectiveness of the event.

Lessons for SA from Brazil in balancing incoming investment with local industrial development
Lessons for SA from Brazil in balancing incoming investment with local industrial development

Daily Maverick

time4 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

Lessons for SA from Brazil in balancing incoming investment with local industrial development

Extracting greater value from the BRICS partnership has been highlighted as a key strategy for South Africa to diversify export markets and attract investment – particularly in the face of the US tariffs now in effect, and warnings of further tariff hikes targeted at BRICS countries. However, we must strike a balance between investment that strengthens local manufacturing, creates jobs and stimulates export value, and investment that weakens local industrialisation and employment. Nelson Mandela Bay's economy is anchored in manufacturing, which is dominated by the assembly of automobile and auto components, as well as other sectors such as pharmaceuticals and beverages. The experience of the Brazilian automotive manufacturing sector, which has attracted more than $4.5-billion in investment from Chinese automakers over the past few years, provides a number of lessons on both sides of the equation that can be learnt by South Africa and other BRICS partners to ensure new investments are mutually beneficial. While Brazil succeeded in attracting substantial foreign investment, domestic production remained dominated by foreign components imports, with little use of locally manufactured components. This highlights a persistent challenge for Brazil and other emerging economies: how to leverage foreign investment for genuine industrial upgrading and localisation of components, rather than merely becoming a minor assembly point. South Africa is already experiencing a rapid influx of Asian-manufactured vehicles into our local market, edging out sales of locally produced vehicles. Incoming manufacturing investments include the assembly of imported vehicles that are already partly assembled with all their components (semi-knockdown, or SKD assembly), which add little value in terms of manufacturing employment or growing local component manufacturing. This production mode is eroding the strength that completely knockdown (CKD) manufacturing, as performed by the long-standing original equipment manufacturers (OEMs), brings to the local economy, with its far greater levels of investment, employment and localisation of manufacturing. CKD manufacturing enables deep value chains that develop an interconnected ecosystem of local Tier 1 and Tier 2 component manufacturing, along with a surrounding network of local suppliers of goods and services, that has a ripple effect into all other sectors of the economy. Given the current situation of not only the US tariffs but also the need to strengthen the policy and incentives environment to encourage CKD over SKD manufacturing, prevent dumping of cheap products into the South African market, and support local manufacturers to respond to the global shift to new energy vehicles, the experience of the Brazilian automotive industry warrants attention. Brazil is a key market for the global automotive industry, recognised as the world's sixth-largest car market and holding the dominant position in Latin America. Substantial market size coupled with its strategic role as a gateway to the broader Latin American region, makes Brazil an exceptionally attractive growth opportunity for global automakers. The country's expanding middle class and a growing demand for eco-friendly transport solutions, supported by government policy, further amplify its appeal, positioning it as a key destination for new energy vehicle exports and investment. The massive investments in Brazil by Chinese automakers, with their advanced EV technologies and aggressive expansion strategies, have disrupted the long-standing dominance of traditional Western and Japanese brands and Brazil's CKD auto manufacturing sector. This is similar to the disruption in South African automotive manufacturing, which has grown rapidly in the past five years. Like South Africa, Brazil faces a delicate balancing act between attraction of foreign direct investment with its long-standing objective of fostering a robust and self-sufficient local automotive industry. Tariff exemptions initially led to a rush of fully built-up Chinese vehicles into the Brazilian market, a 'dumping' strategy that undermined local manufacturers. Chinese investors initially pursued SKD assembly, importing most parts, particularly high-value EV batteries where China has substantial capacity. Job creation commitments were much lower than initially promised – due to factors including Brazil's substantial skills gaps, the use of imported labour and the lower job creation of SKD manufacturing and lack of creation of local supporting value chains of any substance. Due to different approaches to labour, Chinese companies also encountered significant friction with Brazil's strong labour union movement, attracting outrage at the treatment of workers. The focus on SKD assembly resulted in limited technology transfer and did not stimulate growth of local supply chains, reducing the industry to an assembly line dependent on China's value chains and imported labour, rather than enabling innovation and the creation of direct and indirect jobs as seen in CKD manufacturing. The influx of Chinese investment created a fundamental tension with Brazil's national industrial development goals, which aim for deep local value creation, job security and genuine technology transfer. Brazil has since reintroduced import tariffs on EVs, commencing in 2024 and projected to reach 35% by July 2026, serving as a significant policy driver compelling automakers to establish local production. It is also now implementing robust policies on investment, to deepen manufacturing supply value chains into component production, with policies also related to technology transfer and adherence to labour laws. Achieving sustainable long-term success in Brazil for automakers requires moving beyond assembly to deeper localisation, investing in local research and development and skills development, and proactively engaging with labour unions to build trust and ensure compliance. For the Brazilian government, a refined industrial policy that actively incentivises technology transfer, supports local supplier development and invests strategically in critical infrastructure and workforce retraining is paramount to truly harness the benefits of the EV transition and foreign investment for national industrial upgrading. In moving to ensure that investment meets local industrialisation and employment goals, Brazil has flexed its considerable muscle – as a top-tier global automotive market and having a significant renewable energy matrix – to ensure that it is not a passive recipient of foreign investment. It actively employs policy tools, such as tariffs and the 'green mobility and innovation programme' (Mover), to assert its national interests. By insisting on local production and job creation, Brazil positions itself as a critical arena for global EV dominance. The willingness of major Chinese automotive players to adapt to local market demands, such as producing ethanol-flex hybrids, underscores Brazil's significant leverage in shaping the terms of engagement for foreign automakers. This adaptation to local needs and policies is a testament to Brazil's ability to influence foreign investment to align with its unique market characteristics. A further consideration as South Africa seeks to strengthen trade and investment relationships with the BRICS countries is that of the nature of the exports. While South Africa's exports to the European Union and to BRICS and related markets are roughly equivalent at about $20-billion per annum, there is a key difference in that exports to BRICS comprise mostly unbeneficiated minerals and other raw materials while those to the EU (and the US) are, in addition to minerals, more focused on a diversified range of added-value manufactured products. In the latter case, innovation is stimulated, intellectual property generated and higher-value employment is created along with integrated value chains. South Africa needs to shift the balance of its trading equation from being a source of low-margin raw materials to a source of high-margin, value-added products, as well as a destination for value-adding investment. Another key factor to ensure the sustainability of CKD vehicle manufacturing is to make it an entry requirement for incoming investors to not only compete in the domestic market, but to also have export markets for vehicles and/or locally produced components. Simply displacing domestic vehicle sales of OEMs who already produce in the country, further exacerbates the risk of factory closures. In the same way that there needs to be rules of entry for manufacturers entering the country, this also needs to be in place to ensure that orderly and responsible exits take place from the market. This should be centred on protecting the surrounding ecosystem of suppliers, and providing a level of mitigation and transition support to enable them to explore alternative options. We can retain local manufacturing by putting mutually beneficial investment and trading relationships at the centre of negotiations, rather than perpetuating extractive relationships. This we believe is essential if we are serious about retaining and attracting investment and employment, especially in the Bay, which is the area in South Africa most adversely affected by the current global trade shifts. DM

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store