
In praising Israel's 'dirty work', Merz exposes the orientalist roots of German genocidal Zionism
The journalist described such actions as Drecksarbeit - "dirty work" - a term that, as the Lemkin Institute points out, was once used by Nazi officials "to justify their actions" and is steeped in the fascist, dehumanising language of genocide.
Merz embraced the framing enthusiastically, declaring: "This is dirty work that Israel is doing for all of us." He then added, with perfect imperial clarity: "The Iranian regime has brought death and destruction to the world."
This is, of course, in stark contrast to Germany under Hitler and Israel throughout its history - both of which have brought nothing but life, liberty and joy to the world, especially to Palestinians!
Merz's remarks exposed what use Israel is to Germany and to Europe more broadly: to do the dirty work they can no longer commit directly, straight from the horse's mouth.
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These psychopaths run the world - and they think they can define it too.
When Israel slaughters tens of thousands of Palestinians, it does so not only with Germany's blessing, but as part of a continuum of German state violence
Should we be surprised that Hitler, Himmler and Goebbels - or Israeli leaders Benjamin Netanyahu, Yoav Gallant, Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir - have emerged from this very culture, this very sentiment, this very language and this very vocabulary?
As former Chancellor Angela Merkel famously proclaimed, Israel is integral to Germany's "reason of state", with its security tied to Germany's very existence.
In other words, without Israel, there would be no Germany. One must take such declarations seriously.
When Israel slaughters tens of thousands of Palestinians, it does so not only with Germany's blessing, but as part of a continuum of German state violence - a genocide of Palestinians built atop the genocide of Jews, and alongside the earlier genocide of Africans in Namibia.
The former German foreign minister Annalena Baerbock carried that same legacy when she defended Israel's mass murder of Palestinians with a passion reminiscent of her Nazi predecessor, Joachim von Ribbentrop.
In a just world, these people would be on trial at the International Court of Justice.
German Islamophobia
German genocidal Zionism - now openly championed by elected officials, unelected journalists and popular neofascist parties alike - is rooted in German Islamophobia, which in turn draws from a long tradition of German Orientalism, and from "Islamic Studies" in particular.
How Germany is manufacturing the Islamist bogeyman Read More »
I have already argued that Germany's genocidal Zionism can be traced back to its colonial history and philosophical racism, from Hegel to Habermas.
Here, I wish to draw a more direct line between this genocidal Zionism and Germany's tradition of Orientalism. The aim of "Islamic Studies" was never to "understand" Islam or Muslims, but to silence and pacify them - to treat them as oriental objects of curiosity, while denying them moral and political agency.
Reports of rising Islamophobia in Germany are consistent and well-documented. The rise of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party did not come out of nowhere. It reflects proto-fascist tendencies, rooted in Nazism, with broad support and severe consequences across the country.
There is a prevailing hatred of Muslims within Germany's ruling regime - as across much of Europe - and Merz's vulgar racism emerges directly from it. The swastikas may have been scrubbed from Germany's public spaces, but they remain carved and tattooed in the mind of its chancellor. Jews may have been replaced with Muslims, but the genocidal instinct endures.
Each time Merz opens his mouth to defend Israeli genocide in Palestine, or Israel's attacks on Lebanon, Syria, Yemen or Iran, you can hear Hitler screaming in the tone of his voice.
Orientalist foundations
Why, one might ask, does a country with an extensive history of Islamwissenschaft - the academic study of Islam - harbour such visceral hatred for Muslims?
Are Germans not reading their own leading scholars of Islam, Iran, and the Arab world?
There's the rub. The rise of Islamophobia in Germany - and Europe at large - is not despite the long history of Orientalism and Islamic Studies, but precisely because of it.
How so? Allow me to explain.
We must dismantle the entire regime des savoirs of Europe - Germany in particular - through which the West has sought to decode and dominate the world. We must then recode the world beyond and after that colonial regime of knowledge.
The problem is not only the contempt Orientalists have shown for Muslims and their histories, theology and scholarship, nor their disregard for the existential terror inflicted on them by Israel. It is also the epistemic insularity of their field: a wilful ignorance, or condescending dismissal, of work produced in Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Urdu and other non-European languages.
Most of these European Orientalists write solely for one another. They have no organic link or moral investment in the countries, cultures or communities they study. They ignore a vast body of scholarship in the languages they claim to know, treating texts not as subjects of interpretation, but as objects of pathological curiosity.
Equally troubling, this Orientalism, as a colonial mode of knowledge production, remains impervious to intellectual developments in the social sciences and humanities, even in European contexts.
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They operate like members of an Orientalist fraternity or country club, complete with secret handshakes and absurd rites of initiation: how to place diacritical marks on Arabic or Persian words, how to cite one another, how to ignore relevant scholarship in the original languages they pretend to know.
We should therefore read them for what they are: not authorities, but objects of anthropological curiosity - not to learn anything serious from them, but to study them as a pathologist would the symptoms of a terminal disease.
It is worth asking what compels figures like Patricia Crone (1945–2015) or Bernard Lewis (1916–2018), two notorious European Orientalists, to devote their lives to studying something they so clearly detested. This, too, is a dark and twisted pathology that must one day be examined.
Meanwhile, Joseph Massad, a scholar of Arab politics and intellectual history, offers in Islam in Liberalism (2014) a compelling account of how "the West" fabricates and sustains its fantasy of freedom, equality and tolerance by manufacturing an imagined alterity - "Islam" - which it portrays as oppressive, intolerant, cruel and homophobic.
Remove that falsifying mirror and "the West" is left flailing, stripped of the self-delusional fantasies through which it recognises itself.
Western fantasies
The pathology did not end with the classical period of European Orientalism, best analysed by Edward Said. It continues apace in today's European manifestations of Orientalism - particularly its Germanic variations - evident in such useless and clueless gems as Annäherung und Distanz: Schia, Azhar und die islamische Ökumene im 20. Jahrhundert (1996) and Die Schia und die Koranfälschung (2018).
The effect of these 'studies' is akin to misogynists writing about women, or Jeffrey Epstein and Harvey Weinstein co-authoring a study on the girls they abused
These works aim to sow hatred and hostility between Sunnis and Shia, just as British colonialists once incited Hindus against Muslims in India, or Catholics against Protestants in Ireland.
Said is sometimes criticised for not engaging with German Orientalism in his transformative scholarship.
Whatever his reasons, I believe he did them a great favour. Had he included them, the organic link between German Orientalism and German fascism, colonial violence in Africa, and present-day Islamophobia and support for Palestinian genocide would have been even more fully exposed.
Since the publication of Said's 1978 book Orientalism, a significant body of serious scholarship on German Orientalism has emerged, including Nina Berman's Orientalismus, Kolonialismus und Moderne (1997) and Suzanne L. Marchand's German Orientalism in the Age of Empire: Religion, Race, and Scholarship (2010).
Paramount in these studies is the recognition that Orientalism and colonialism were not accidentally connected, but epistemically intertwined - not always through overt malice, but through structures of domination, fascination and exoticism. These systems operated for the benefit of the observer, always at the expense of the observed.
You may think these "studies" are merely useless, but they are worse than useless. They are instrumental in keeping Muslims as Orientals - stripped of moral and intellectual agency, reduced to objects of juvenile European curiosity.
The effect is akin to misogynists writing about women, or Jeffrey Epstein and Harvey Weinstein co-authoring a study on the girls they abused. It is like white supremacists writing about Black people, or Immanuel Kant dehumanising Africans as constitutionally stupid and subhuman.
Germany's silence on Gaza while children starve reveals its dark colonial secret
Jurgen Mackert Read More »
Years ago, at the Venice Biennale, I saw an African artist with white ink scrawled across his bare chest: "Please do not study me!"
Indeed, European and American anthropologists and Orientalists have studied us enough in their hegemonic pursuits.
It is time we return the favour and study them as they have studied us - not to subjugate, but to liberate them from their psychotic delusions, ingrained racism, colonial conquest, and murderous domination of others.
Today, Israel is the state-of-the-art laboratory for the accumulated terror Europe has unleashed upon the world. This is what Merz celebrates when he says Israel is doing its "dirty work".
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
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Middle East Eye
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Middle East Eye
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Middle East Eye
2 hours ago
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Instead, he said he wanted to take over Gaza and turn it into a 'Middle East Riviera' after forcibly displacing the Palestinians. That 'Trump plan' has become one of Netanyahu's stated war objectives, but Trump was never married to the idea, experts and diplomats say. 'The US is never going to ensure a permanent end to the war in Gaza. Hamas knows that' - Rose Kelanic, Defense Priorities He stopped talking about it after he was dissuaded by King Abdullah of Jordan and other Arab allies, MEE reported. However, Trump's instincts for a flashy deal underscore how he views Gaza, Elgindy said. 'The ceasefire for Trump, like most American politicians, has always been about the hostages. If Palestinian lives are saved as a result, that's a good thing. If the war ends, that's fine. But it's not the goal. After all, they are only Palestinians. There is no payoff for Trump.' Of course, the US's Arab allies are worried about a ceasefire because their populations are boiling with anger at Israel. 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'We are watching Israel free from any American focus, interests, or pressure' - Aaron David Miller, former Middle East negotiator Hamas is a US-designated terrorist organisation, but the Trump administration broke with decades of precedent to boycott the group when it negotiated the release of a dual US-Israeli captive in May. The deal went through smoothly. Trump's special envoy for hostages even sat down for a plate of knafeh - a Palestinian pastry - with senior Hamas officials in one round of talks. Hamas insists that any agreement it reaches with Israel to release the remaining 20 living captives - all military-aged men - will lead to a permanent end to the war. The group says it will relinquish governing Gaza, but has made no commitment to disarm and has resisted going into exile. This week, Qatar, Egypt and Saudi Arabia joined the European Union in calling for Hamas to disarm and saying they would support peacekeepers in Gaza. The statement also called for a two-state solution on the pre-1967 war borders that would reserve all of Gaza, the occupied West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem for a Palestinian state. Israel rejects this plan. Arab officials say they are not optimistic their overtures will sway Israel to give up attacking Gaza. In his own way, Trump has acknowledged Hamas's claim that they can't trust a ceasefire in Gaza to hold. The ceasefire that was under negotiation was structured with three phases, similar to the deal Israel broke earlier this year. The first phase calls on Hamas to release captives in exchange for an Israeli withdrawal from parts of Gaza, more aid entering the enclave, and Palestinian prisoners being freed. The second phase includes crucial talks to permanently end the war and Israel's full withdrawal from Gaza. The third phase deals with future governance and reconstruction. 'They (Hamas) know what happens after you get the final hostages," Trump said last week. 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'Inject this in my veins' In Yemen, where missiles are still being fired at Israel, Trump reached an independent ceasefire with the Houthis. He has lifted sanctions on Syria and is signalling recognition of a Turkish zone of influence there, irritating Israel. Trump launched unprecedented strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities, but as the smoke cleared from Israel and Iran's so-called 12-day war, the US attack's impact looks less certain, and Trump quickly moved to defuse tensions with Iran, rejecting the wider offensive Netanyahu had hoped for. Displaced Palestinians gather to receive aid from a GHF distribution point in Netzarim corridor in the central Gaza Strip, on 30 July 2025 (Eyad Baba/AFP) Inside the US, Trump counts pro-Israel donors among his base. The most prominent deep-pocketed one is the billionaire Miriam Adelson. His family members have also toyed with the annexation of Gaza. Trump's 'Riviera' plan echoed one discussed by his son-in-law and former advisor, Jared Kushner. But American conservatives - especially young ones who backed Trump in 2024 and are tuned into podcasters like Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens - are increasingly critical of Israel. According to one Pew poll, 50 percent of them hold an unfavourable view of Israel. They are especially mobilised by attacks on Palestinian Churches and US aid going to Israel's military. During the Israel-Iran conflict, Trump said he ordered Israeli warplanes not to bomb Iran to preserve a ceasefire he negotiated. 'They don't know what the fuck they're doing,' Trump told reporters when asked about Israel and Iran. He blamed both countries when his deal appeared shaky, but let it be known he was more upset with Israel. "I've got to get Israel to calm down now,' he said. 'If the war ends, that's fine. But it's not the goal. After all, they are only Palestinians. There is no payoff for Trump' - Khaled Elgindy, Georgetown University His base lapped it up. 'I loved it when he dropped the F bomb talking to the press…He was like, both of them have gone crazy… I was like, inject this in my veins right now,' Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene told Carlson on a podcast in June. This week, Greene, a staunch Trump defender, became the first Republican member of Congress to declare Israel's war on the enclave a genocide. If Trump were looking to energise part of his base, particularly as his promise to end the war in Ukraine looks to be flagging, he could take a harder line on Israel and even threaten to withhold offensive arms provided by US taxpayers, analysts say. 'Trump has more political freedom to stand up to Netanyahu than any other US president,' Kelanic, at Defense Priorities, said. 'Netanyahu is a Trump frenemy. A lot of his base doesn't support him. But somewhere along the line, Trump came to the conclusion that the ceasefire collapse is all Hamas's fault, so he has given Israel backing to pursue maximalist policies." 'For strategic reasons' To be sure, Trump has given unparalleled support to Israel closer to its borders. The Trump administration has made it clear that it won't oppose Israeli strikes against Hezbollah in Lebanon. Israel received a rare censure from the US when it bombed a Catholic church in Gaza and settlers attacked a Palestinian Christian town in the occupied West Bank, but nothing that would disrupt the flow of billions of dollars in US aid. The Trump administration also let the killing of a 20-year-old US citizen in the occupied West Bank pass by with nothing more than a statement urging an investigation. Israeli pro-settler activists gather near the separation fence of Gaza during a rally to mark 20 years since Israel's withdrawal from Gaza, on 30 July 2025 (Menahem Kahana/AFP) With ceasefire negotiations going nowhere, the famine in Gaza is deepening, and Israel is doubling down. This week, Haaretz reported that Netanyahu's government could begin officially annexing the occupied West Bank in the coming days. The report said annexation would be tied to a lack of progress on a Gaza ceasefire. While Netanyahu is losing support in the US, polling from inside Israel suggests the very topics Trump would need to confront him on to achieve a permanent end to the war in Gaza are widely popular inside Israel. For example, the Israeli polling firm, Geocartography Knowledge Group, found 82 percent of Israeli Jews support the forcible displacement of Palestinians from Gaza. Experts say that if Trump continues to disregard the need for an end to the war on Gaza - extending beyond the release of Israeli captives - he will have more challenges to deal with in the Middle East. People in both Jordan and Egypt, two US partners, are seething with anger over the images of starving Palestinians corralled into cages as they try to get food. Egypt and Jordan believe Israel sees the starvation crisis as an opportunity to move ahead with plans to forcibly displace Palestinians, Arab officials tell MEE. This week, a police station in southern Cairo was stormed by men who said Egypt was complicit in the genocide of Palestinians. With his government under pressure, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi made a rare video address to Trump, calling on him to end the war in Gaza. 'There is no perspective from 'America First' where Israeli operations benefit US national interests. Ending the genocide, frankly, needs to happen for moral reasons, but also strategic reasons,' Kelanic said.