logo
AKA's timeless tweets resurface following President Cyril Ramaphosa's White House visit

AKA's timeless tweets resurface following President Cyril Ramaphosa's White House visit

IOL News22-05-2025

AKA, who was known for his audacious commentary and unwavering stance on social issues, has once again become a focal point of digital conversation following President Cyril Ramaphosa's recent visit to the White House.
Image: Instagram/akaworldwide
The late South African rapper Kiernan 'AKA' Forbes, known for his audacious commentary and unwavering stance on social issues, has once again become a focal point of digital conversation following President Cyril Ramaphosa's recent visit to the White House.
As the country grapples with complex issues surrounding land reform and allegations of 'white genocide', many have turned to AKA's past tweets, often discovering that the rapper's insights remain hauntingly relevant.
On Wednesday, May 21, President Ramaphosa met with US President Donald Trump to discuss bilateral trade relations and address the deeply entrenched allegations regarding systemic violence against white farmers in SA.
These claims, which have been fueled by distorted narratives in Western media, were a contentious subject during the meeting, leading to diplomatic strains as Trump's administration previously expressed interest in these assertions.
As news of the meeting spread, social media users quickly unearthed AKA's touching tweets, showcasing his fearlessness in confronting issues such as crime, xenophobia, and national representation.
'Is there an AKA Tweet for what we just witnessed…?' queried Robot Boii on X, initiating a dive into the rapper's archive.
Among the gems retrieved was a tweet in which AKA fiercely challenged the notion of genocide in SA, stating, 'If there really was a 'genocide' or 'massacre' ... wouldn't your government have announced the names or number of fatalities?? CNN fed you fake news, and you devoured it.'
This tweet echoed the sentiments of many South Africans who feel the narrative surrounding land reform has been distorted and exaggerated in the international arena.
In another impassioned post, he wrote, 'Let no one deter you from your patriotism. Protect your country and its reputation at all costs.'
Such declarations capture the essence of AKA's legacy - his bold patriotism and commitment to his nation resonate strongly, especially during moments of national scrutiny.
Online commentators have been quick to celebrate the late rapper's insights. 'He was ahead of time,' noted a user reflecting on the relevance of AKA's statements in today's climate.
Others echoed similar sentiments, recognising him as a figure who cared deeply for his country, asserting, 'Long live a legend who loved his country more than its leaders.'

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

What challenges do whistle-blowers face in South Africa's battle against corruption?
What challenges do whistle-blowers face in South Africa's battle against corruption?

IOL News

time40 minutes ago

  • IOL News

What challenges do whistle-blowers face in South Africa's battle against corruption?

South Africa, led by President Cyril Ramaphosa, has amended various laws to combat corruption, however, whistle-blowers are exposed to risk, with some in hiding. Image: Supplied While South Africa has implemented various anti-corruption laws, including a National Anti-Corruption Strategy, concerns have been raised about the ineffective whistle-blower mechanisms and the whistle-blowing framework, which limits the reporting of wrongdoing. Among key anti-corruption laws that have been amended are the Prevention of Combating of Corrupt Activities Act, the Anti-Money Laundering Legislation General Laws, and the National Prosecution Authority Amendment Act, which stemmed from the Zondo Commission Report. Mary de Haas, a KwaZulu-Natal violence monitor, said whistle-blowers' lives are at risk, and it seems that politicians are untouchable, as corruption continues and often leads back to politicians. She mentioned at least two whistle-blowers whose lives are at risk after they exposed corruption. People in government, from the president down, are promising help for whistle-blowers, but there is nothing, she said. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading 'Patricia Mashale was a very senior admin person within the police, and she reported corruption to the then National police commissioner General Khehla Sitole about Free State management corruption. He (Sitole) sent it back to them, and her life became endangered. 'Mashale can't live with her children because her house is under surveillance, and there is no financial support for whistle-blowers. How could people live when they have lost a job, have been illegally dismissed, and they can't live in their own homes because they are under surveillance and may get killed?' De Haas asked. She said, Warrant Officer Meshack Makhubo, who opened the second docket in the Senzo Meyiwa case, is also in danger. 'There was an attack on his home. It wasn't just a break-in attack. It was an onslaught on his home. They want him dead because he knows too much about corruption in the police and the cover-up in the Meyiwa case.. 'I have been informed that a lot of people now just keep quiet even when they know about corruption. They just go with it because when you open your mouth or you show that you are reporting it, your job is the first thing on the line. A lot of the dismissals are swift, and the Labour Court has confirmed they are illegal,' De Haas said. She added that the other thing they do is bring a Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation (SLAPP) suit, which is filed to silence or intimidate someone who has spoken out about a matter of public interest. 'I've got one against me, which is nonsense. I mean, there is no substance in it at all, but they try to shut you up by threatening to sue you if you report them. That's how bad it is,' she said. Devoshum Moodley-Veera, an integrity activist, PhD student at the School of Public Leadership and ACCERUS at Stellenbosch University, said there has been a lot of talk around the amendment of the Protected Disclosures Act for years, but it is yet to be seen whether law alone can assist in whistle-blower protection. 'Whistle-blowing is multi-faceted with several role players involved, yet we see a blame culture on whose role is it to protect whistle-blowers. With the laws not providing a dedicated institution to deal with whistle-blowing complaints, I am afraid that retaliation will increase under the current whistle-blowing framework, as we have seen severe cases such as Babita Deokaran and Pamela Kabini,' Moodley-Veera said. She added that the Feinstein and Devine report of 2021 examined the sufficiency of the primary whistle-blower laws by juxtaposing 17 countries with the standards established by the European Union Whistleblowing Directive (2019/1937). South Africa met only five of the 20 criteria to be included in whistle-blowing laws, which makes whistle-blowing legislation ineffective in South Africa. Moodley-Veera said the country can be commended for a number of anti-corruption initiatives, however, the implementation remains weak. 'The Transparency International Corruption Perception Index is used to measure anti-corruption effectiveness. Thus far, South Africa has scored 41, the same as the previous year, showing no progress. The score is below the global average of 43, having dropped by three points since 2019. It should be noted that this index shows perceived levels of corruption in the public sector, not the number of cases reported or experiences of the public,' Moodley-Veera said. She highlighted that there is a trust deficit in the country, and citizens would like to see action and accountability, which are severely lacking. 'Action should be taken. Institutions should appoint competent, ethical leadership to implement these initiatives. Legislation should be reformed, and laws should be developed to address the current context and situation in the country. The use of Western laws does not help the country in its current state,' she said. During the State of the Nation Address, President Cyril Ramaphosa said the government had started taking steps to expose and punish corrupt activities in the public and private sectors, to reform institutions, making them stronger, more transparent, and restoring a professional and effective public service. He said the NPA Investigating Directorate had at that time enrolled over 34 corruption cases, charged 202 accused individuals, and 65 accused entities. 'We are making progress in the fight against corruption with over 1,300 corruption convictions in four years, including 500 government officials. R14.18 billion assets frozen in corruption and state capture cases. Thirty-four cases were enrolled, involving over 200 accused persons, including former ministers and some of the largest corporate companies in the country, such as McKinsey and ABB. 'The NPA has finalised a comprehensive settlement agreement with company ABB to pay over a further R2.5bn in 'punitive reparations to South Africa' for its part in state capture. This adds to the R6 billion ABB already paid to Eskom in 2020,' Ramaphosa said. Moodley-Veera explained that the challenges experienced with asset recovery by the Asset Forfeiture Unit and Investigating Directorate, both positioned within the National Prosecuting Authority, are the slow disposal rates of cases, which lead to high management costs and high recovery costs, resulting in loss of value. The high costs of appointing curators to manage the frozen assets as part of property management. There is also a lack of technical and forensic skills within these institutions for asset recovery. This lack of technical skills results in unsuccessful confiscation proceedings. There is also a lack of capacity, inadequate budgets, poor collaboration, political interference in the criminal justice system and the law enforcement agencies, Moodley-Veera explained. She added that one of the biggest successes of anti-corruption efforts in South Africa was that the late Dudu Myeni (former South African Airways chairperson) was found to be a delinquent director by the courts under the Companies Act. This was after the state capture proceedings. 'Another success is that due to transparency, the State Capture commission proceedings were broadcast in the media, and also the report was shared with the public. There has also been more public awareness around whistle-blowing, and some of the biggest cases of retaliation were made public. This shows that whistle-blowing is indeed one of the tools to be used for anti-corruption measures. As a country, we have also seen the vital role played by media and civil society organisations in addressing corruption in South Africa. 'However, there are persistent challenges such as ineffective whistle-blowing laws, cases that are delayed, high costs of litigation, and regulators and state institutions lacking independence to deal with corruption cases. There is also a lack of resources to deal with cases,' she said. 'Civil society organisations have come together to develop and launch the Zondo Tracker to also oversee the implementation of the Zondo recommendations,' Moodley-Veera said. She added that anti-corruption initiatives should not be seen as a responsibility of the state only, but should be a collaborative effort to achieve a society that is free from fraud and corruption.

Deputy Speaker refers over 10 EFF members for discipline after Ramaphosa session chaos
Deputy Speaker refers over 10 EFF members for discipline after Ramaphosa session chaos

IOL News

timean hour ago

  • IOL News

Deputy Speaker refers over 10 EFF members for discipline after Ramaphosa session chaos

Deputy Speaker Annelie Lotriet says she has referred disruptive EFF MPs to the Speaker, calling for disciplinary action after Tuesday's chaotic session during President Ramaphosa's Q&A in Parliament. Image: Henk Kruger / Independent Newspapers Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly, Annelie Lotriet, says she is referring several Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) Members of Parliament to the Speaker for possible disciplinary action following their disruption of President Cyril Ramaphosa's question and answer session on Tuesday. This comes after a heated sitting where multiple EFF MPs, both in the chamber and online, interrupted proceedings with repeated points of order. Lotriet confirmed in an interview with Newzroom Afrika that the next step is formal communication with Speaker Thoko Didiza. 'Yes, that was what I said, and that is how the process works. So what happens is that I now write to the Speaker with reports on the events and then also a recommendation.' She added that over ten members could be implicated, including those participating virtually: 'It's quite a few. I think in the region of 10 plus members because there were several members on the virtual platform, and that will also be part of the report.' Lotriet explained that the disruptions began when a member exceeded their allocated time to speak and refused to yield when instructed to do so. 'In terms of the rules, when the presiding officer indicates to you that your time has expired, that is it. And then you stop speaking. But unfortunately, this member went on and on and disregarded the authority of the presiding officer.' Another controversial point arose over the presence of two bodyguards during the session. Lotriet confirmed she had been informed they were protectors of the president and deputy president, respectively, and that they were seated in the gallery. 'They're not allowed if it's in the house, but in the gallery. And that is the information that I got. And that is why I also said that I will undertake to look into this matter,' she said. She added that the current use of the smaller Good Hope Chamber, due to the fire-damaged Parliament building, posed spatial and logistical challenges. 'So yes, that, granted, is not the ideal part was not clearly demarcated.' On whether the bodyguards knew they should not have been in that area, Lotriet said: 'That could be possible. That is why I said I will look into the matter. So, I cannot make any assumptions on their regard.' As for possible sanctions facing the EFF MPs, Lotriet said the matter would be handled by the Powers and Privileges Committee in accordance with legislation. 'It's on a scale from a reprimand going up to being suspended for a month from parliamentary activities, as well as losing out on a month's salary. But that will be up to the committee to decide.' She expressed disappointment at the disruption, stating it undermined Parliament's role and deprived South Africans of much-needed accountability. 'What happened now is that a number of members were denied the opportunity to pose questions to the president. And that is a disservice to the public.' Responding to accusations of bias from EFF leader Julius Malema, Lotriet defended her impartiality. 'I'm quite convinced that I did everything by the book. The bias is in the eye of the beholder.' She added that there are formal processes in Parliament to deal with such complaints. Lotriet highlighted the need for accountability and respect within the institution. 'This is a disservice. We are representatives of the people. It goes to more than just a bit of disruption. This goes about the respect for the dignity and the decorum of the House.' [email protected] Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel. IOL Politics

Fact-checking the inaccuracies, half-truths and duplicity in the latest presidential newsletter
Fact-checking the inaccuracies, half-truths and duplicity in the latest presidential newsletter

Daily Maverick

timean hour ago

  • Daily Maverick

Fact-checking the inaccuracies, half-truths and duplicity in the latest presidential newsletter

President Cyril Ramaphosa's latest newsletter is probably too long for most fellow citizens to make time to read, but it contains so many inaccurate, misleading and downright false statements that unpacking some of them is a worthwhile exercise. In the newsletter, the President refers to a statement made by the US State Department last year, in the context of a climate summit, and quotes the glowing terms from it: 'Last year's country Investment Climate Summit published by the US State Department highlights South Africa being an attractive investment hub, citing key factors such as deep and well-regulated capital markets, strengths in manufacturing stable institutions, an independent judiciary and robust legal sector, respect for the rule of law, a mature financial and services sector, and experienced local partners.' The President does not mention that these words are the work of the Biden administration, since replaced, in January 2025, by the Trump administration. Worse still, he leaves out the following portion of the State Department report for obvious reasons not unrelated to its gloomy and critical content: 'However, South Africa continues to suffer the effects from a 'lost decade' in which economic growth stagnated, hovering at zero percent pre-Covid, largely due to corruption and economic mismanagement, and a slow economic rebound post-Covid amid endemic logistics and energy crises. One of the biggest challenges to investment is persistent 'load shedding', South Africa's term for nationwide scheduled rolling blackouts. 'Other challenges include policy uncertainty, lack of regulatory oversight and enforcement, state-owned enterprise (SOE) drain on the fiscus, corruption, violent crime, labor unrest, lack of basic infrastructure and government service delivery, and lack of skilled labor. 'Moody's, Fitch, and S&P have affirmed South Africa's credit rating as stable but rate South Africa's sovereign debt as sub-investment grade. In February 2023, the Financial Action Task Force listed South Africa as a jurisdiction under increased monitoring, known as the 'grey list', to address deficiencies in its regime to counter money laundering and terrorist financing (AML/CFT). South Africa will remain under increased monitoring until it completes its action plan to strengthen its AML/CFT regime.' SA remains on that grey list and will likely languish there until necessary reforms to the criminal justice administration, needed to capacitate it to counter money laundering and terrorist financing, are effected. The Ramaphosa administration shows no urgency in this regard, despite the fact that while SA is on the grey list, borrowing (currently at an all-time high) will remain prohibitively expensive. SA services its debt at present at a cost of R1.2-billion a week, an amount the taxpayers can ill afford. Rule of law Ramaphosa suggests that his government shows fealty to the rule of law. He does not mention the recent trenchant criticism by Bonang Mohale, chancellor of the University of the Free State: 'The great problem for South Africa is rampant greed. [It] is essentially a problem for the once glorious African National Congress that has morphed into an organised crime syndicate, primarily because for a solid 30 years of our democracy, they held the absolute majority power in everything that matters.' 'Organised crime syndicates' by definition show no discernible regard for the rule of law. Fealty to the rule of law implies respect for property rights; indeed, that respect is built into the definition of the rule of law favoured by the World Justice Project. At the most basic level, it entails that: ' The rule of law ensures property rights by providing a framework of laws, institutions, and community commitment that protects those rights. It guarantees that everyone has the right to own property, both individually and collectively, and that no one can be arbitrarily deprived of their property. This framework also ensures that if property is taken, it is done in accordance with the law and with just compensation.' The abomination that is the new Expropriation Act envisages expropriation with nil compensation. The Constitution envisages 'just and equitable compensation' upon expropriation in section 25 of the Bill of Rights. The nil compensation does not have to be just and equitable on any reasonable interpretation of the new law. This renders it unconstitutional. It also exposes the government's lack of appreciation of the meaning of the rule of law. The Constitution itself regards the rule of law as supreme. Any attempt to dilute the rule of law has to have a 75% majority vote in Parliament, not the simple majority that passed the Expropriation Act. Independent judiciary Ramaphosa claims that there is an independent judiciary in SA. Has he forgotten the evidence he gave before the Zondo Commission of Inquiry into State Capture? There he revealed that the Bench in SA is regarded by the ANC as a site of cadre deployment. There is no better way to capture a judiciary than to deploy loyal cadres to serve on it. That is the death knell of independence. This ambiguous passage appears in the newsletter: 'President Trump agreed that the US should continue playing a key role in the G20, including attending the G20 Leaders' Summit in Johannesburg later this year, where South Africa will hand over the presidency of the G20 to the US.' Does Ramaphosa mean that Donald Trump is coming to the wreckage of Johannesburg later this year, or merely that the US will continue playing its key role in the G20 by sending a representative to Johannesburg? The answer is anyone's guess. Time will tell. There is more Orwellian doublespeak in this presidential observation: 'We were able to update US officials on the ongoing structural reform process underway to improve the ease of doing business and facilitate a favourable investment climate.' Every cautious would-be investor is acutely aware of the high violent crime levels in SA and also regards the rampant corruption, about which Bonang Mohale waxes so eloquent, as reasons to avoid making new investments in SA. Crime and corruption remain at unacceptably high levels and not enough is being done to address these barriers to new investment from which new jobs will flow. As long ago as 2011 the Constitutional Court ordered that a single body outside of the control of the executive (which Ramaphosa now heads) should be established to deal with corruption. No such body has been set up 14 years later. The binding nature of the court findings and the legal need to implement the criteria it set are ignored by a government that is content to allow State Capture, tenderpreneurism and the cosy type of comprador-capitalism that BEE laws and regulations have created (this despite recent polling that indicates that more than four in five of the SA population favour merit appointments over race quotas.) There is simply no political will to implement the 2011 judgment properly. This attitude is not indicative of fealty to the rule of law, nor of any real desire to create an investor friendly climate in SA. A great deal of new investment is necessary to attain secure peace, sustainable development on the embattled economic front and shared prosperity in which those genuinely previously disadvantaged enjoy the fruits of their currently hollow liberation. Progress bedevilled Before the formation of the Government of National Unity (GNU), the ANC and its tripartite alliance partners, the SACP and Cosatu, ruled the roost and created the BEE architecture that has so bedevilled progress in SA. The laws and policies in place have been trenchantly criticised by Professor William Gumede, but they are persisted in by the ANC element of the GNU. By now it ought to be screamingly apparent to any sentient observer that the BEE system has not served the constitutional purpose for which it was intended. The provisions of section 9 of the Bill of Rights contemplate redress via legislative and other measures designed to protect or advance persons or categories of persons disadvantaged by unfair discrimination. All that BEE has in fact achieved is the enrichment of ANC cadres and their friends in business. Those genuinely disadvantaged continue to languish in poverty. This fact is illustrated by the increase in the Gini Index, which is now the highest in the world among the 130 countries that produce a Gini Index and considerably higher than it was in SA when democracy dawned. The BEE system does not properly serve the purpose for which it was created. It should be scrapped in favour of the economic empowerment for the disadvantaged — the EED system proposed by the SA Institute of Race Relations. Whether the GNU will be able to break the shackles on progress that is in place due to the ANC fealty to its National Democratic Revolution (NDR) remains to be seen. The NDR is deeply and darkly inconsistent with constitutional principles, but the abandonment of the NDR would not suit that 'organised crime syndicate' to which Mohale refers. The private member's Bills introduced by the co-chair of the Justice Portfolio Committee, Glynnis Breytenbach, envisaging a new Chapter Nine Anti-Corruption Commission that will be set up in a constitutionally compliant way to deal with corruption, are currently undergoing processing in the parliamentary back office. Before the GNU dawned, Breytenbach was the DA's shadow minister of justice. Before that, she was a senior prosecutor, and she knows the National Prosecuting Authority inside out. Her suggested reforms deserve accelerated parliamentary debate and consideration. The DA and AfriForum have separately challenged the constitutionality of the Expropriation Act in litigation currently pending. New BEE regulations are similarly being challenged for want of constitutionality, also by the DA. There is furthermore a plethora of constitutional litigation around the National Health Insurance legislation. If the government that Ramaphosa leads was true to the clear intentions of the Constitution and showed greater fealty to the rule of law, these litigious efforts would be unnecessary, the criticisms would be taken to heart, the State Department's reservations recorded above, but omitted from his latest newsletter, would be taken more seriously and would be acted upon rather than omitted from the newsletter. DM

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store