logo
‘Like a wastepaper basket': Life as a child refugee fleeing home

‘Like a wastepaper basket': Life as a child refugee fleeing home

Al Jazeera19 hours ago

If the global refugee population were just 100 people, 33 would be children, each in need of protection. By Hanna Duggal and Mohamed A. Hussein
Sameer - not his real name - fled Afghanistan when he was just 17 years old.
The Taliban had overthrown the government of President Ashraf Ghani - which his father worked for - placing his family at risk.
'I was doing well in my life, practising and exercising normally," Sameer, an aspiring mixed martial arts (MMA) fighter, tells Al Jazeera. "But when the Taliban took power … the situation became very hard, like putting us under pressure.'
Sameer became a child refugee and endured a journey not unlike that of many other displaced and fleeing children.
Today, of the 41 million refugees around the world, 13.3 million are children. In other words, there are more child refugees than the entire population of Belgium, or Sweden, or Portugal, or Greece.
That also means that 33 out of every 100 refugees are children, each in need of international protection.
To better understand the lives of refugee children - their challenges, vulnerabilities and resilience - we visualise what the world would look like if it had just 100 refugees.
According to the latest figures from the UNHCR , 6.8 million child refugees (51 percent) are boys and 6.5 million (49 percent) are girls.
While that division is fairly equal, refugee children often face distinct challenges based on their gender. For example, girls may be more at risk of gender-based violence and sexual assault, whereas boys may face different hardships - including other forms of physical violence. These forms of abuse and violence are more pronounced among unaccompanied minors.
For Sameer, this came in the form of police beatings at country borders.
'The worst effect or part of the journey was when we used to cross the borders. And different countries' police used to stop or catch us, and they used to beat us in front of others,' Sameer says.
'They did not spare a child or adult or anybody.'
In 2024, 44 percent (5.9 million) of child refugees were aged 5-11 years, followed by 32 percent (4.2 million) aged between 12-17 years and 24 percent (3.2 million) aged between 0-4 years.
At each stage of childhood, distinct and compounding risks threaten healthy development. For example, young children are especially reliant on caregivers and at heightened risk of malnutrition, illness and disease. Any child refugee of school age will face disruption to their education due to access.
However, in adolescents, the effects of a trauma can be compounded as they go through puberty: It's in this age bracket that mental illness most kicks in.
In addition, a child's ability to articulate distress or seek help evolves over time, David Trickey, consultant psychologist and co-director at UK Trauma Council (UKTC), a project of the Anna Freud Foundation, tells Al Jazeera. 'Younger children find it more difficult to tell the carers and those around them what's going on internally.'
If Sameer were one of the 100 child refugees, he would be among 21 from Afghanistan.
In 2024, two-thirds of child refugees came from just four countries - 21 percent (2.8 million) were from Afghanistan, followed by 20 percent (2.7 million) from Syria, 14 percent (1.8 million) from Venezuela and 10 percent (1.3 million) from South Sudan.
When the UN Refugee Convention was adopted in 1951, there were 2.1 million refugees. Now, there are 20 times that number. In 1951, 1 in every 1,190 people was a refugee and now that number is 1 in every 185, with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and civil wars in Syria and South Sudan, among major drivers of the crisis.
It took Sameer one and a half years to reach the United Kingdom, making him a part of the 12 percent of child refugees who have travelled more than 2,000km (1,200 miles) to get to safety.
According to an analysis of data from the UNHCR, 9 out of 10 refugee children have journeyed more than 500km (300 miles) from home.
Half (50 percent) of all refugee children have had to travel between 500 and 1,000km (600 miles) from their homes.
That's a distance that could be covered in a 10-12 hour drive or a two-hour flight. But most refugees fleeing their home country journey on foot, in boats or using other slower means of transport.
Sameer tells Al Jazeera his journey was spent in the wet and cold. 'We passed through different countries, but we stayed most of the time in forest and mountain areas.'
On top of the physical toll of travelling, Sameer faced brutality at the hands of border police he encountered when crossing into Turkiye and Bulgaria.
'They beat us in all senses. They used to poke at our clothes and send us back to the previous country.'
Sameer's experience is a microcosm of the violence, unfamiliarity and grief - not just for lost family members, but also for a lost home - that accompany refugee life.
'The fact that they're fleeing something - that is dangerous in the first place, that has the potential to be traumatic. You're then taking them away from everything that they know that is familiar, possibly their friends, possibly even their families, going to somewhere that they don't know, a strange place, that all has the potential to get in the way of their recovery,' Trickey tells Al Jazeera.
Sameer is one of the very small percentage of child refugees that has ended up in the UK. In 2024, the top host countries for refugees were Iran (1.8 million), Turkiye (1.4 million), and Uganda (965,000).
He tells Al Jazeera how he finally ended up in the UK. 'First, when I tried to cross the Channel, the boat drowned and we were recovered by French police.'
After taking another boat at midnight, Sameer reached British shores in the morning, ending an 18-month journey.
Upon arriving in a host country, refugees often face additional risks like being held in detention centres.
'For some people, that's [being held in detention centres] the worst bit," Trickey told Al Jazeera. "You know, that was the biggest trauma.'
Sameer had a more welcoming experience on arrival. 'The UK police was kind and very gentle. And they treated us very gently. They took us to a place where they provided us with the clothes, and also provided the food.'
According to the UNHCR, about 153,300 children are unaccompanied or have been separated from their guardians and family.
Sameer was separated from his brother in Turkiye. 'I was sent a different way and he was sent a different way, and since then I never saw my brother and I don't know about his wellbeing or whereabouts,' Sameer tells Al Jazeera.
Some children travel alone because they have been sent by their parents to ensure their survival, while others are orphaned.
Peter Ventevogel, senior mental health and psychosocial support officer at UNHCR, told Al Jazeera, 'If you're in a good social system, you feel safe, then you feel you're less affected. But for children, that effect is even stronger.
'We have these case reports of children who are in terrible situations, but as long as they're with their mother, if it's a young child, and the mother is able to convey that sense of safety, then you can buffer a lot of the consequences, which also means that in displacement settings where family structures are disrupted you see more issues among children.'
According to research conducted by scientists at Queen's University Belfast and Ulster University, both in Northern Ireland, high rates of mental illness and symptoms among unaccompanied refugee minors were consistent across national and settlement contexts.
But how they are treated once they reach their destination matters, say experts.
Trickey tells Al Jazeera about two children from Afghanistan he has worked with. 'Both of them were from Afghanistan. Both arrived the same week in the UK. Both were unaccompanied. One was looked after by one particular local authority who found a foster placement that spoke the same language, had children the same age, and he just thrived.
'The other one, same age, same experience or similar experience, ended up being placed in this semi-independent hostel where no one spoke his language. The staff were pretty absent, and he really struggled. He really, really struggled with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression. So that stability and the connection that you're provided with can make a real difference to your capacity to process things that have partly happened in the past.'
Sameer tells Al Jazeera,'Scenes of those things which I witnessed had a very bad effect on me and still when I remember, it [makes] me upset.'
Research with refugee children finds the prevalence of emotional disorders to be generally higher than in non-refugee children.
According to one study, the overall prevalence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was 23 percent (one in four) in refugee children, that of anxiety disorders was 16 percent (one in six) and that of depression was 14 percent (one in seven).
'One of the things about trauma is it keeps you on this very high state of alert,' says Trickey. "And I think those without refugee status, they're living this constant fear of being returned to the place they fled.'
But not all children experience trauma the same way, Trickey adds.
'A more important risk factor, a predictor of PTSD, is not how big the event was, but it's what you make of it. Were you afraid? Did you think someone was gonna die?
'And different children will find different things frightening. There'll be some people that actually experience the most awful things and seem pretty unaffected, and they do OK. There'll be some people that seem to be doing OK, and then they have, we can sometimes call it, latent vulnerability. And later on in life, that's when they develop difficulties.'
Ventevogel tells Al Jazeera that often, in younger children, there may be more issues with withdrawal, because they cannot verbalise how they feel, for example where 'a child withdraws, stops playing with other children, or a child shows in play, in the way the child enacts issues, that there is something not OK.
'It's not diagnostic, but this can be an indication that there is something deeper,' Ventevogel says.
Trickey explains that during a trauma-focused therapy session, a boy he was working with described what he was going through by comparing his brain to a wastepaper bin stuffed with "scrunched-up pieces of paper" that represent "all the bad things" he had been through.
"And as I walk to school, they fall in front of my eyes. And when I lie down and go to sleep, they fall into my dreams," the boy told him. "But when I come and see you, we take them out of the bin, and we unscrunch them. Then we read them through carefully, then we fold them up neatly, and then we put them back in the bin. But because they're folded up neatly, it means they don't fall out the top, and I've got more room in my head to think about other things.'
For Sameer, his ability to cope came down to his mindset. 'With the passage of time, I became used to the situation and I feel confident and fine now. And I hope, whatever problems or difficulties I face in the future, I will overcome and hopefully things will get normal.'

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

13 Pakistan soldiers killed in suicide attack
13 Pakistan soldiers killed in suicide attack

Qatar Tribune

time4 hours ago

  • Qatar Tribune

13 Pakistan soldiers killed in suicide attack

IslamabadcTypeface:> At least 13 soldiers were killed in a deadly suicide attack in Pakistan's north-western tribal region near the Afghan border, officials said on Saturday. The militants targeted an army convey in Mir Ali region of North Waziristan district that once was a stronghold of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. 'At least 13 soldiers were killed in the suicide attack,' a local police official said. Another 24 people including 14 civilians were wounded after an explosive-laden vehicle detonated next to the army vehicle. The death toll is feared to increase as six people including four soldiers were in critical condition. A militant group affiliated with Pakistani Taliban or the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) claimed responsibility for one of the deadliest attacks in recent months in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Earlier this week, the army said an officer and a solider were killed by the militants in the province. The TTP is an umbrella group for Islamist militants in the country and has stepped up attacks on the country's security forces following a fragile truce with the government in 2022. (DPA)

‘Hey Daddy': How different world leaders massage Trump's ego
‘Hey Daddy': How different world leaders massage Trump's ego

Al Jazeera

time11 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

‘Hey Daddy': How different world leaders massage Trump's ego

Describing Israel and Iran fighting each other at his NATO pre-summit news conference in The Hague this week, US President Donald Trump drew an analogy with children fighting in a schoolyard, who eventually had to be separated. 'Daddy has to sometimes use strong language,' Mark Rutte, NATO secretary-general, chimed in. Asked about the comment after the summit, Trump said: 'No, he likes me. I think he likes me. If he doesn't I'll let you know. I'll come back and hit him hard, OK? He did it very affectionately. Hey Daddy. You're my Daddy.' The White House decided Rutte was flattering the US president, and made a reel of Trump's visit to the Netherlands, set to the music of Usher's Hey Daddy. Rutte's flattery of Trump didn't stop there. On tackling the Russia-Ukraine war, Rutte told reporters before the NATO summit: 'When he came in office, he started the dialogue with President Putin, and I always thought that was crucial. And there's only one leader who could break the deadlock originally, and it had to be the American president, because he is the most powerful leader in the world.' But how sincere are world leaders' statements about Donald Trump? Do they genuinely serve to improve bilateral relations and does flattery work? Who has handled Trump well and what have the results been? Neither Rutte, nor any other European leader, engaged in any kind of dialogue with Russian President Vladimir Putin for a long time after the summer of 2022, the year of his invasion of Ukraine, believing it pointless. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz was severely criticised as 'defeatist' for phoning Putin last November, while Hungary's Viktor Orban and Slovakia's Robert Fico, the only European leaders to have visited the Kremlin during the war, have been viewed as openly collaborationist. Yet when Trump started talks with Putin, many Europeans paid him the same compliment as Rutte when they made their inaugural visits to the White House after he took office in January. 'Thank you for changing the conversation to bring about the possibility that now we can have a peace deal, and we will work with you,' said the United Kingdom's prime minister, Keir Starmer, in the Oval Office in February. Starmer pulled a few rabbits out of hats. Knowing Trump's fondness for the notion of hereditary power, he drew from his jacket a letter from King Charles III containing an invitation for an unprecedented second state visit to Windsor Castle. Trump was momentarily speechless. 'Your country is a fantastic country, and it will be our honour to be there, thank you,' Trump said when he'd gathered himself. Starmer and Trump exchanged a few handshakes while speaking and Starmer repeatedly touched Trump's shoulder in a sign of affection. But did all this flattery have much effect? Trump announced he was freezing military aid to Ukraine the following month, much to the outrage of the UK, along with Nordic and Baltic countries. Both Starmer and Italy's prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, identified Ukraine as a key issue for Trump, who has made it clear he wants to win the Nobel Peace Prize by ending international conflicts. So far, he has claimed credit for ending this month's '12-Day War' between Israel and Iran, preventing nuclear war following the May 7 air battle between India and Pakistan, and overseeing a peace deal between the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. Meloni, therefore, tried a similarly flattering approach to Trump. 'Together we have been defending the freedom of Ukraine. Together we can build a just and lasting peace. We support your efforts, Donald,' she said during her White House visit in April. Meloni astutely punched all of Trump's hot-button issues in her opening remarks, saying Italy had policies to combat Fentanyl, an addictive painkiller that Trump has blamed Canada and Mexico for allowing into the country, to invest $10bn in the US economy and to control undocumented immigration. She even adapted Trump's slogan, Make America Great Again, to Europe. 'The goal for me is to Make the West Great Again. I think we can do it together,' Meloni said to a beaming Trump. None of this has translated into a state visit by Trump to Rome, a move which would cement Meloni's position as a major European leader, however. Meanwhile, newly elected Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney was both flattering and firm with Trump last month. He complimented Trump on being 'a transformational president' who had sided 'with the American worker', but also shut down Trump's territorial ambition to annex Canada as the 51st US state. 'It's not for sale, won't be for sale ever,' Mark Carney said. Relations seemed to have taken a turn for the better following Trump's friction with Carney's predecessor, Justin Trudeau. Trump called him 'very dishonest and weak' at the 2018 G7 summit in Canada before storming off early. But Carney may not have had much effect at all. On Friday, Trump ended trade talks with Canada and threatened to impose additional tariffs on exports over Canada's new digital services tax. Which meetings have gone less well? There was little warmth in Trump's White House meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron in February. Braced for confrontation with a leader who claims to lead Europe in strategic thought, Trump spoke from lengthy, defensive, scripted remarks which attempted to justify his Ukraine policy. Macron preached that peace in Ukraine must not mean surrender – a sentiment shared by many European leaders, but not expressed to Trump. Trump was cordial with Macron, but not affectionate. Meanwhile, France is holding out on any sort of capitulation to Trump in European Union trade talks. Other members of the EU want to settle for an 'asymmetric' trade deal that might benefit the US more than the EU, just to get it done. What's more, following the G7 meeting in Canada two weeks ago, it was clear no love was lost between the two leaders: Trump called Macron 'publicity seeking' in a social media post on June 17. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was mauled by Trump and Vice President J D Vance on February 28, when he went to the White House to sign a mineral rights agreement he hoped would bring US military aid. He and Vance clashed over direct talks with Russia over Ukraine's head, and Vance lambasted Zelenskyy for failing to show enough 'gratitude' to the US. 'You're playing with millions of people's lives. You're gambling with World War Three,' said Trump. However, Zelenskyy and Trump appeared to have patched things up a little when they held an impromptu meeting while attending the funeral of Pope Francis at the Vatican in April. A White House spokesperson described the encounter as 'very productive'. Last month, Trump ambushed South African President Cyril Ramaphosa at the White House when he played him a video of a South African opposition party rally in favour of evicting white farmers. Trump accused South Africa of carrying out a 'genocide' against white farmers. Ramaphosa was visibly discomfited, but he patiently explained that under a parliamentary system, different viewpoints are expressed, which don't represent government policy, and that South Africa is a violent country where most victims of violence are Black. 'You are a partner of South Africa and as a partner you are raising concerns which we are willing to talk to you about,' Ramaphosa said, calming Trump a little. Trump was sidetracked into talking about a Jumbo Jet that Qatar had gifted him during his Middle Eastern tour. 'I'm sorry I don't have a plane to give you,' said Ramaphosa, as if to make a virtue of his absence of flattery. Does flattery work with Trump? Some experts believe that flattery may help to prevent confrontation with Trump. Some observers have argued it helps 'to contain the American president's impulses'. But flattery does little to change actual US policy. Rutte and other NATO leaders failed to draw the US back into the Contact Group helping Ukraine with weapons. 'A summit dedicated to the sole aim of making Trump feel good is one with very limited aims indeed. All it does is push the difficult decisions forward for another day,' wrote Andrew Gawthorpe, a lecturer in history and international studies at Leiden University, the Netherlands, in The Conversation, a UK publication. Those who do have good relations with Trump don't necessarily come away with the things they want, either. Starmer's US-UK trade deal keeps tariffs in place for British companies exporting to the US, albeit lower ones than Trump had been threatening. Meloni is still waiting for Trump to bestow her a visit. Respectful firmness, on the other hand, does seem to work. Trump has dropped his campaign to redraw US borders by absorbing Canada and Greenland, which is owned by Denmark. Carney's firmness helped, because it carried a sense of finality. Carney had just won an election and Trump acknowledged 'it was probably one of the greatest comebacks in the history of politics. Maybe even greater than mine.' Denmark has been similarly firm. Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has said existing agreements with the US already allow it to station military bases there, while Greenlanders don't want to be colonised by Americans. Trump's attempts to embarrass Zelenskyy and Ramaphosa also backfired. Europe has stepped in to make up the shortfall in US military aid to Ukraine, casting the US as a fickle ally. Trump's 'white genocide' video did little to convince Americans that South Africa was committing a genocide against Dutch Boers, and his offer of asylum to a number of them has been roundly criticised in the US.

Nowhere to run: The Afghan refugees caught in Israel's war on Iran
Nowhere to run: The Afghan refugees caught in Israel's war on Iran

Al Jazeera

time18 hours ago

  • Al Jazeera

Nowhere to run: The Afghan refugees caught in Israel's war on Iran

On Friday, June 13, when Israeli missiles began raining down on Tehran, Shamsi was reminded once again just how vulnerable she and her family are. The 34-year-old Afghan mother of two was working at her sewing job in north Tehran. In a state of panic and fear, she rushed back home to find her daughters, aged five and seven, huddled beneath a table in horror. Shamsi fled Taliban rule in Afghanistan just a year ago, hoping Iran would offer safety. Now, undocumented and terrified, she finds herself caught in yet another dangerous situation – this time with no shelter, no status, and no way out. 'I escaped the Taliban but bombs were raining over our heads here,' Shamsi told Al Jazeera from her home in northern Tehran, asking to be referred to by her first name only, for security reasons. 'We came here for safety, but we didn't know where to go.' Shamsi, a former activist in Afghanistan, and her husband, a former soldier in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan before the Taliban returned to power in 2021, fled to Iran on a temporary visa, fearful of reprisals from the Taliban over their work. But they have been unable to renew their visas because of the cost and the requirement to exit Iran and re-enter through Taliban-controlled Afghanistan – a journey that would likely be too dangerous. Life in Iran has not been easy. Without legal residency, Shamsi has no protection at work, no bank account, and no access to aid. 'There was no help from Iranians, or from any international organisation,' she said. Internet blackouts in Tehran have made it hard to find information or contact family. 'Without a driver's licence, we can't move around. Every crossroad in Tehran is heavily inspected by police,' she said, noting that they managed to get around restrictions to buy food before Israel began bombing, but once that started it became much harder. Iran hosts an estimated 3.5 million refugees and people in refugee-like situations, including some 750,000 registered Afghans. But more than 2.6 million are undocumented individuals. Since the Taliban's return to power and the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, thousands of Afghans, including activists, journalists, former soldiers, and other vulnerable people, have crossed into Iran seeking refuge. Tehran province alone reportedly hosts 1.5 million Afghan refugees – the majority of them undocumented – and as Israel targeted sites in and around the capital, attacking civilian and military locations during the 12-day conflict, many Afghans were starkly reminded of their extreme vulnerability – unprotected and unable to access emergency assistance, or even reliable information during air raids as the internet was shut down for large periods of time. While many fled Tehran for the north of Iran, Afghan refugees like Shamsi and her family had nowhere to go. On the night of June 22, an explosion shook her neighbourhood, breaking the windows of the family's apartment. 'I was awake until 3am, and just an hour after I fell asleep, another blast woke me up,' she said. An entire residential apartment was levelled near her building. 'I prepared a bag with my children's main items to be ready if something happens to our building.' The June 23 ceasefire brokered by Qatar and the US came as a huge relief, but now there are other problems: Shamsi's family is almost out of money. Her employer, who used to pay her in cash, has left the city and won't answer her calls. 'He's disappeared,' she said. 'When I [previously] asked for my unpaid wages, he just said: 'You're an Afghan migrant, get out, out, out.'' The human cost of conflict For all Afghans trapped in Iran – both those forced to flee and those who stayed in their homes – the 12-day conflict with Israel has sharply reawakened feelings of trauma and displacement. Furthermore, according to the Iranian health authorities, three Afghan migrants – identified as Hafiz Bostani, Abdulwali and Habibullah Jamshidi – were among the 610 people killed in the recent strikes. On June 18, 18-year-old Afghan labourer Abdulwali was killed and several others were injured in an Israeli strike on their construction site in the Tehranpars area of Tehran. According to the victim's father, Abdulwali left his studies in Afghanistan about six months ago to work in Iran to feed his family. In a video widely shared by Abdulwali's friends, his colleagues at the construction site can be heard calling to him to leave the building as loud explosions echo in the background. Other Afghans are still missing since the Israeli strikes. Hakimi, an elderly Afghan man from Takhar province in Afghanistan, told Al Jazeera that he hadn't heard from three of his grandsons in Iran for four days. 'They were stuck inside a construction site in central Tehran with no food,' he said. All he knows is that they retreated to the basement of the unfinished apartment building they were working on when they heard the sound of bombs, he explained. The shops nearby were closed, and their Iranian employer has fled the city without paying wages. Even if they have survived, he added, they are undocumented. 'If they get out, they will get deported by police,' Hakimi said. From one danger zone to another During the conflict, UN Special Rapporteur Richard Bennett urged all parties to protect Afghan migrants in Iran, warning of serious risks to their safety and calling for immediate humanitarian safeguards. Afghan activist Laila Forugh Mohammadi, who now lives outside the country, is using social media to raise awareness about the dire conditions Afghans are facing in Iran. 'People can't move, can't speak,' she said. 'Most have no legal documents, and that puts them in a dangerous position where they can't even retrieve unpaid wages from fleeing employers.' She also flagged that amid the Iran-Israel conflict, there is no government body supporting Afghans. 'There's no bureaucracy to process their situation. We dreaded an escalation in the violence between Iran and Israel for the safety of our people,' she said. In the end, those who did manage to evacuate from the most dangerous areas in Iran mostly did so with the help of Afghan organisations. The Afghan Women Activists' Coordinating Body (AWACB), part of the European Organisation for Integration, helped hundreds of women – many of whom fled the Taliban because of their activist work – and their families to flee. They relocated from high-risk areas like Tehran, Isfahan and Qom – the sites of key nuclear facilities which Israel and the US both targeted – to safer cities such as Mashhad in the northeast of the country. The group also helped with communicating with families in Afghanistan during the ongoing internet blackouts in Iran. 'Our capacity is limited. We can only support official members of AWACB,' said Dr Patoni Teichmann, the group's founder, speaking to Al Jazeera before the ceasefire. 'We have evacuated 103 women out of our existing 450 members, most of whom are Afghan women's rights activists and protesters who rallied against the women's education ban and fled Afghanistan.' 'I can't go back to the Taliban' Iran recently announced plans to deport up to two million undocumented Afghans, but during the 12-day conflict, some took the decision to move back anyway despite the dangers and hardships they may face there. World Vision Afghanistan reported that, throughout the 12-day war, approximately 7,000 Afghans were crossing daily from Iran into Afghanistan via the Islam Qala border in Herat. 'People are arriving with only the clothes on their backs,' said Mark Cal, a field representative. 'They're traumatised, confused, and returning to a homeland still in economic and social freefall.' The Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has voiced grave concerns about the deteriorating humanitarian situation for Afghans in Iran, adding that it is monitoring reports that people are on the move within Iran and that some are leaving for neighbouring countries. Even as Israeli strikes came to a halt, tensions remain high, and the number of Afghans fleeing Iran is expected to rise. But for many, there is nowhere left to go. Back in northern Tehran, Shamsi sits beside her daughter watching an Iranian news channel. 'We came here for safety,' she says softly. Asked what she would do if the situation worsens, Shamsi doesn't hesitate: 'I will stay here with my family. I can't go back to the Taliban.' This piece was published in collaboration with Egab.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store