Latest news with #refugees
Daily Mail
7 hours ago
- General
- Daily Mail
BREAKING NEWS The boats are BACK: At least eight Chinese asylum seekers are ‘dropped off by Indonesian fishing boat' in remote part of Australia
Eight suspected asylum seekers have reportedly been detained by authorities in a remote part of Australia after arriving by boat.
Daily Mail
8 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Daily Mail
Patsy Palmer cuts a stylish figure as she joins chic Mia Regan for Choose Love launch event in support of LGBTQIA+ refugees
and Mia Regan were among the stars in attendance for the launch of the new 'Queer Was Always Here' T-shirts with Choose Love in support of LGBTQIA+ refugees in London on Thursday. EastEnders actress Patsy, 53, opted for a laid-back chunky colourful scarf which she paired with a beige buttoned up cardigan. Opting for comfort, Patsy paired her garment with some tailored black trousers and brown, beige and blue trainers. She accessorised her ensemble with a pair of aviator spectacles and a set of elegant gold earrings. Meanwhile Mia opted for a more summery casual look as she stepped out in a pair of beige knee-length shorts. From A-list scandals and red carpet mishaps to exclusive pictures and viral moments, subscribe to the DailyMail's new Showbiz newsletter to stay in the loop. Keeping it relaxed, Mia paired her shorts with a white T-shirt and elegant brown Mary Jane flat shoes. She finished her ensemble with a brown leather jacket and a cream tasseled bag which wore across her chest. Adding a pop of colour to the event Jaime Winstone stepped out in a red, yellow and black checked shirt. She paired her country top with blue, red and white tweed skirt, brown knee-high boots and a grey cap. Nathaniel Curits showcased his toned legs as he wore a pair of long denim shorts for the glitzy event. He finished his look with white socks, white laced up trainers and a white Choose Love T-shirt. Jaylin Ye put on a leggy display for the outing as she wore a long denim blue skirt which featured a daringly high slit up her leg. She finished her look with a pair of long chunky leather boots and an elegant brown top which draped across her shoulders. Also adding a pop of colour to the evening, Minmie Sangsawang stepped out in a bright purple top. She paired the brightly-coloured garment with a knee-length beige skirt and some black leather flat shoes. Eric Chang looked handsome as he wore a white and black zipped jacket which he paired with black tailored trousers. He toted around his belongings in an extra large dark brown bag which he unconventionally carried around held under his arm.
Forbes
16 hours ago
- Business
- Forbes
Is The U.S. Still Safe? Canada Ponders Safe Third Country Agreement
When Canada signed the Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) with the United States in 2004, it was widely viewed as a reasonable policy. The agreement, still in force today, requires refugee claimants to seek asylum in the first 'safe' country they arrive in—typically the United States. Because of this agreement, most individuals arriving at the Canadian border from the U.S., whether at border crossings or through irregular crossings such as at Roxham Road, are ineligible to make a refugee claim in Canada unless they meet narrow exceptions. But the assumption of American 'safety' is now under renewed scrutiny. Ironically, the good intentions of those advocating to repeal the STCA in Canadian courts on the grounds that the U.S. no longer meets the legal threshold of a 'safe' country could lead to Canada being overwhelmed by demands it is ill-prepared to meet. Donald Trump's administration's initiation of mass deportations could once again open up a new humanitarian and logistical crisis at Canada's southern border. The more extreme President Trump's actions, the more probable the STCA will be struck down by the courts and the more plausible the likelihood that Canada could be overwhelmed with escaping migrants from America. Human rights groups and immigration advocates in Canada argue that U.S. asylum protections have deteriorated dramatically. They cite American policies such as illegal deportations of Venezuelan migrants to El Salvador, the arrest of students protesting the events in Gaza, the 'Remain in Mexico" policy, summary expulsions of migrants, and the rise of detention without due process as reasons for their concerns. Yet, Canada continues to regard the U.S. as a safe haven for refugee claimants. This, despite Canada not having publicly revealed its annual reviews of U.S. asylum practices since 2009. While it is true, there is no formal requirement for the federal government to make those reviews public, still failing to do so is inconsistent with transparency and best practices for enforcing human rights. That being said, the cracks in that foundation are now becoming even more visible. As Trump follows through on his pledge to deport all of the 11 million undocumented immigrants, it is increasingly apparent that the effort will require using military-style raids, expanded detention camps, and massive expedited removals. With each step, the U.S. is increasingly no longer a practical haven for those fleeing violence or persecution. The more robust the deportation efforts, the more likely the result is that more undocumented immigrants will look north, seeing Canada as a last refuge. Until now, Canada has benefited from its geographic isolation. That has served as a natural barrier to massive inward migrations. With the change in the U.S., Canada's image as a welcoming country is increasingly at odds with the reality of Canada's absorptive capacity limits. A sudden, unruly inflow of tens of thousands of refugee claimants fleeing deportation from the United States could overwhelm Canadian institutions. Canada plans to admit 385,000 immigrants as permanent residents this year. Under Canada's Immigration Levels Plan for 2025, the target for refugees, protected persons, and individuals admitted on humanitarian and compassionate grounds is set at 68,350. This figure encompasses both resettled refugees and successful asylum claimants. That being the case, what would happen if say, even 100,000 more people attempted to cross the border in the wake of a U.S. increased crackdown on unauthorized immigrants? It is not difficult to foresee the outcome. In terms of housing, cities like Toronto and Vancouver are already grappling with housing shortages, with thousands awaiting affordable housing. Encampments have become a visible part of the urban landscape—an emergency could make them a permanent fixture. In healthcare, Canadian hospitals are experiencing record wait times. An influx of newcomers, many of whom have untreated health issues, could further compromise service delivery. Regarding education and social services, school boards would struggle to accommodate children facing trauma, language barriers, and diverse learning needs. Food banks, shelters, and social workers are already functioning at capacity. Legally, Canada is in a bind. The STCA was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2023, but the justices sent the case back to the Federal Court to assess whether the agreement violates equality rights under Section 15 of the Charter. The current challenge, launched by refugee advocacy organizations, argues that Canada's ongoing reliance on the STCA—without a current, transparent safety assessment is unconstitutional. The core paradox remains: if the U.S. is genuinely safe, then those fleeing Trump-era deportations should not be admissible to Canada. But if the U.S. is not safe, then Canada's continued rejection of claimants may breach its domestic and international legal obligations. Canada cannot have it both ways. Despite fears of a mass northward migration, most undocumented immigrants in the U.S. do not meet Canada's legal definition of a refugee. Deportation, while distressing, does not itself constitute persecution. Unless claimants can prove a well-founded fear of persecution in their country of origin, they are unlikely to succeed in Canada's asylum system. While some may have valid claims based on new risks or deteriorating conditions in their home countries, the number eligible to stay would be only a fraction of those who might attempt to do so. Canada's broader immigration programs—such as Express Entry and Provincial Nominee Programs—require education, skilled work experience, language proficiency, and financial resources, all of which present significant barriers for most undocumented migrants. However, it's important to note that two-thirds of the 11 million undocumented immigrants in the USA, that is to say, 7 million, have been there for over 10 years. Given this, many of these immigrants are likely to have accumulated sufficient resources to enable them to seek refuge in Canada. If the STCA is repealed and a surge of asylum seekers follows, the political consequences in Canada could be severe. A country proud of its humanitarian values could see its social cohesion put to the test. As services are stretched and the housing crisis deepens, public support for immigration could erode. Populist calls for tighter border control and reduced immigration levels could gain traction, challenging decades of liberal consensus. What was once an obscure bilateral treaty could become the most consequential piece of immigration policy in Canada. Repealing the Safe Third Country Agreement with America without preparing for its consequences would be reckless. However, maintaining it without a genuine re-evaluation is equally untenable. Canada must brace itself for the prospect that the United States may no longer be a reliable partner in refugee protection. Two primary considerations arise. Firstly, what specific actions will President Trump undertake in the coming months concerning immigration in the United States? Will he intensify his current efforts, or will the courts and opposition to his initiatives stem the tide? Secondly, how long will it take for Canada's Supreme Court to revisit this issue? There remains time to plan and prepare for what lies ahead. Yet Canada must also maintain a clear-eyed perspective on what it can reasonably absorb. The path forward will necessitate not only compassion but also prudence—and a firm grasp of the limits of what even a generous nation can achieve.
Zawya
18 hours ago
- Business
- Zawya
No identity, no access, no progress
In many parts of Africa, lacking legal identity means being shut out of the system, unable to access healthcare, attend school, secure a job or claim legal protection. 'We saw it clearly during COVID_19,' said Tapiwa Mucheri, Policy Officer (migration governance) at the African Union Commission. 'Without legal identity, many people simply couldn't be reached.' When crises hit, identity becomes the first line of access, or exclusion. But the problem extends far beyond emergencies. For millions of migrants, refugees and stateless people, life without documents means navigating the continent through informal networks, with limited access to basic services and no official record of their existence. South Sudan is one of the countries trying to catch up. 'We are learning from our neighbours like Kenya and Uganda, who have made strong progress in refugee registration and legal identity,' said Wani Francis Lasu, Migration Data and Policy Planning Officer at South Sudan's Ministry of Interior. His country is just beginning to build its civil registration system, and with many returnees flowing in, the gaps are hard to ignore. Kenya, by contrast, has invested in its identification system for decades. Its electronic ID infrastructure now supports banking, public health and access to social services. 'The government has also taken steps to recognize previously stateless communities like the Shona and Makonde,' said Christopher Wanjau, head of Kenya's National Registration Bureau. 'By granting them legal status, we are enabling access to national systems and public services and acknowledging their contribution to national development.' Uganda has taken a bold step further by integrating refugees into its national identification framework. 'We created a single national registry that includes both citizens and foreigners,' said Deborah Amanya, a Principal Immigration Officer. 'Refugees live in settlements, not camps, and they are documented so they can work and live with dignity.' These are some of the examples shared during a regional gathering (26-30 May) in Harare where more than 40 experts and policymakers came together to validate data and share lessons. Convened by the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) in collaboration with the African Union and the International Organization for Migration, the five-day workshop focused on legal identity and migration statistics across the East and Horn of Africa. A practical toolkit to support member States in strengthening these systems was also reviewed and validated. Tapiwa Mucheri of the African Union Commission pointed to promising frameworks. 'The ECOWAS biometric ID, the East African interstate pass, the mutual recognition of national IDs in the Southern African Development Community - these are real pathways toward a continent that moves with purpose.' But political will and infrastructure vary. Even where ideas exist, implementation often lags. 'The issue is not a lack of frameworks,' said Walter Kasempa, AU/IOM Migration Ambassador. 'What we need now is investment and follow-through. Identity is not just about systems. It is about lives.' Gideon Rutaremwa, Population Affairs Officer at the ECA summed it up: 'We cannot talk about regional integration, free movement or inclusive growth while half a billion Africans remain undocumented. Getting this right is a foundation for everything else.' There was clear consensus among delegates that legal identity is not a privilege but a right and that it will shape the future of free movement and development across Africa. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA).
Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Business
- Al Jazeera
Photos: Syrians return to villages destroyed by war
Aref Shamtan, 73, chose to erect a tent near his decimated home in northwest Syria instead of remaining in a displacement camp following the overthrow of longtime ruler Bashar al-Assad. 'I feel good here, even among the rubble,' Shamtan said, sipping tea at the tent near his field. Upon returning with his son after al-Assad was toppled in December, Shamtan discovered his village of al-Hawash, situated amid farmland in central Hama province, severely damaged. His house had lost its roof and suffered cracked walls. Nevertheless, 'living in the rubble is better than living in the camps' near the Turkish border, where he had resided since fleeing the conflict in 2011, Shamtan explained. Since al-Assad's downfall after nearly 14 years of war, the United Nations' International Organization for Migration reports that 1.87 million Syrians who were refugees abroad or internally displaced have returned to their places of origin. The IOM identifies the 'lack of economic opportunities and essential services' as the greatest challenge facing returnees. Unable to afford rebuilding, Shamtan decided approximately two months ago to leave the camp with his family and young grandchildren, and has begun planting wheat on his land. Al-Hawash had been under al-Assad's control and bordered front lines with neighbouring Idlib province, which became a stronghold for opposition groups, particularly Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, the opposition fighters that spearheaded the offensive that toppled the former president. 'We cannot stay in the camps,' Shamtan maintained, even though 'the village is all destroyed … and life is non-existent,' lacking fundamental services and infrastructure. 'We decided … to live here until things improve. We are waiting for organisations and the state to help us,' he added. 'Life is tough.' Local official Abdel Ghafour al-Khatib, 72, has also returned after escaping in 2019 with his wife and children to a camp near the border. 'I just wanted to get home. I was overjoyed … I returned and pitched a worn-out tent. Living in my village is the important thing,' he stated. 'Everyone wants to return,' he noted. However, many cannot afford transportation in a country where 90 percent of the population lives in poverty. 'There is nothing here – no schools, no health clinics, no water and no electricity,' al-Khatib said while sitting on the ground in his tent near what remains of his home. The conflict, which erupted in 2011 following al-Assad's brutal suppression of antigovernment protests, killed more than 500,000 people and displaced half of Syria's pre-war population either internally or abroad, with many seeking refuge in Idlib province. According to the International Organization for Migration, more than six million people remain internally displaced.
