logo
The Texas Track-Meet Stabbing Shows Where Right-Wing Influencers Are Headed

The Texas Track-Meet Stabbing Shows Where Right-Wing Influencers Are Headed

Yahoo15-04-2025
Sign up for the Slatest to get the most insightful analysis, criticism, and advice out there, delivered to your inbox daily.
On April 2, Donald Trump's 'Liberation Day,' a teenage athlete fatally stabbed another teenage athlete at a track meet in Frisco, Texas.
The exact details around this specific case remain unclear, but local investigators said it started when 17-year-old Karmelo Anthony sat under another team's tent during a rain delay. According to the authorities, the second student, 17-year-old Austin Metcalf, told Anthony to leave. The two argued. Anthony warned Metcalf not to touch him. Metcalf touched Anthony. Anthony stabbed Metcalf in the chest. Metcalf, it should be noted, was white. Anthony is Black.
Over the past couple of weeks, the story of Metcalf's death has blown up on right-wing media. (Anthony allegedly confessed to stabbing Metcalf but has claimed self-defense. He has been charged with murder.) Fox News has run a number of segments on the incident, and many prominent commentators have spoken out about it. It has reached the point of saturation at which some influencers can simply post photos of the alleged killer, calling for retribution without name or context, and presume their audiences will know who they mean.
There is one notable way in which this story diverges from other violent crime obsessions that occasionally grip social media. In recent years, news cycles about killings in the U.S. have triggered discussions of guns, of the internet, of misogyny, of racism. On the right, violent tragedies have supported specific political narratives: In the notable case of Laken Riley, for example, a murder by an immigrant has bolstered false arguments about migrant crime, which in turn were used in support of Trump's deportation policies. Similarly, stories about murders in Chicago and elsewhere have served to bolster fears of gang violence and other urban crime, to argue for the failed policies of blue cities and the need for robust policing.
But despite the fact that there appears to be little to be pulled from the Austin Metcalf story, which seems like a tragic and random conflict between teenagers, its reach has been huge. What made the Metcalf murder so useful for certain people online is that it has the flavor of a culture war story—Metcalf was a white, Southern, Christian boy who liked to hunt and play football, and was killed while participating in wholesome high school athletics, and a Black youth was the villain—without having any actual use, at face value, in any kind of policy debate. That is, unless you're opening up debate to white supremacist ideas.
After Metcalf's death was reported, the hashtag #WhiteLivesMatter was trending on X, with 40,000 mentions on April 3, according to the Anti-Defamation League. Comments on stories about the incident were cesspools of overt racism, with users throwing around slurs and ideas about the innate violence of Black men and their corroding effect on society. A white nationalist group in Pennsylvania distributed stickers with Metcalf's and Anthony's faces, declaring it to be 'time to take a stand!' White supremacists such as Nick Fuentes and Stew Peters spoke about the incident on their shows, insisting the incident reflected 'Black barbarism.' A post from the popular X account End Wokeness calling on supporters to 'say his name'—a co-opting of the Black Lives Matter slogan—received nearly 38 million views.
It's hard to say, in the modern, hate-speech-flooded version of Twitter, how many of the accounts spouting white supremacist views in the replies are bots and trolls. But on sites like Substack, TikTok, and YouTube, verifiably real people are sharing extreme views based on the case. And major accounts and influencers have picked up the case as fodder, as well. The far-right commentator Benny Johnson called for the death penalty for Anthony, to 'send a message.' MAGA filmmaker Dinesh D'Souza called Anthony the 'product of a rotten set of values that had been transmitted on the urban street.' Michael Knowles, a Daily Wire personality, speculated that Anthony had come from 'some kind of terrible home' and was born out of wedlock. And Matt Walsh, another Daily Wire figure, has insisted on calling the stabbing a premeditated and racially motivated murder. 'Young black males are violent to a wildly, outrageously disproportionate degree,' he wrote in a post on X that has more than 19 million views. 'That's just a fact. We all know it. And it's time that we speak honestly about it, or nothing will ever change.'
These accounts are incentivized in the attention economy to highlight stories that play to outrage, fear, and other base emotions. In this case, as the story moved on, they were given a gift: Supporters of Anthony, convinced of his innocence, started fundraising pages for his legal defense. Several real and scam accounts started pages for him on GoFundMe, which were taken down by the company for violating its rules against fundraisers for those charged with violent crimes. The family also started a still active fundraiser on the more libertarian GiveSendGo. The latter has raised $419,300—compared to the combined $518,700 from the two Metcalf fundraisers on GoFundMe—with donors' comments expressing their belief that Anthony had been acting in self-defense. For days, conservative influencers ran with updates on this fundraiser and on Anthony's base of support.
To be fair, this rage-baiting campaign wasn't limited to the right. On social media, Anthony-supporting accounts spread fake stories about Metcalf espousing white supremacist opinions, or about media cover-ups of evidence that would justify Anthony's alleged behavior. Internet rumors spread that Metcalf had bullied Anthony, that Metcalf punched Anthony, that Metcalf had actually died of a drug overdose. Other people made TikTok and YouTube videos blaming Metcalf's behavior for the outcome, or otherwise justifying the violence—a difficult position to take, particularly when we don't know exactly what happened under that tent.
But the parts of the discourse with the greatest reach—the X posts with 20 million views, the YouTube videos with the highest view counts—remained those discussing the problem of violent Black youth as an urgent, topical issue. This is notable, because violent crime continues to be much lower than it was in previous decades, and the murder rate appears to be falling post-pandemic. There is also no strong racial justice movement happening, as in 2020, that would explain a backlash. There is no reason to think anti-white-motivated violence is at any kind of high.
There is, of course, an unrelated reason for the timing that may have prompted this particular story to blow up: It occurred on Liberation Day, the same day Trump's tariff announcement tanked the markets. 'This is part of the strategy to get people to look elsewhere,' said Sarah T. Roberts, a professor at UCLA who specializes in digital media and politics and culture. 'It's great for them to have something else to talk about that will press buttons for their audiences.'
But even if it was an issue the influencers clung to for a distraction in a tough news cycle for the MAGA movement, some experts said it would make sense that during this second Trump presidency, the right-wing influencers would return to Black crime.
Daniel Karell, a sociologist at Yale University who has studied social media and social movements, agreed that the timing likely had to do with the content creators' need for a sensational story during a bad tariff news cycle. But he did add that he would not be surprised if immigrant violence stories had become less interesting to this same group, with the Trump administration in charge of deportations—meaning they would be responsible for any new crimes committed by undocumented immigrants. 'The online Right needs to find another threat that is not under direct control of the executive branch,' Karell wrote in an email. 'One option, which is a tried-and-true boogeyman that runs throughout American history, is racial threat.'
And with this moment of conservative cultural resurgence, when Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion policies and other anti-racist measures have been so thoroughly rolled back and 'woke' has become a taboo term, some influencers took the chance to push the conversation around race further than it could go during the Biden years.
Take, for example, the case of Jack Posobiec, a podcaster and conspiracy theorist who has promoted Pizzagate and the 'Stop the Steal' movement. Posobiec has significant sway in the MAGA movement. He has spoken at the Conservative Political Action Conference; was a contributor to Turning Point USA; is a frequent guest on Steve Bannon's show; was invited to join Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth on an official trip to Europe, according to the Washington Post; and, per the Post, has claimed he traveled with Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on a trip to Ukraine. And to Posobiec, Metcalf's death was a 'rallying cry,' as he said in a post to his 3 million followers. He stated that 'white liberals have rated non-white groups more positively than their own race, a pattern not mirrored by other racial groups.' The conservative reaction to the Metcalf murder, he said, may have shown the scale of frustration white people had about 'racial crimes' against their own race. 'The White Guilt Narrative may have reached its breaking point.'
This turn may show where the conversation about race in America is headed in the second Trump administration, when the conservative movement has largely won its older battles over education, corporate diversity standards, and hiring practices. The new right-wing vision is no longer of a race-blind society, pulling on indignation that liberals are making everything about race. Instead, there's a wholly different frontier in the debate, an argument for a world in which white people stop being blind to the problems of other demographics; one in which they protect each other—and prioritize their own shared interests.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

MTG calls for property tax abolition, derides health insurance as 'giant scam'
MTG calls for property tax abolition, derides health insurance as 'giant scam'

Yahoo

time36 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

MTG calls for property tax abolition, derides health insurance as 'giant scam'

Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia advocated for the abolition of property taxes and described health insurance as a big "scam." "We need to completely abolish property taxes. It forces us to pay 'rent' to the government on property that we own, but if we don't pay property taxes, the property that we own gets taken away from us. That should never happen in a free country," Greene declared in a post on X. "Secondly, health insurance is a giant scam that has become completely unaffordable. And it doesn't make any sense and I don't know anyone, and I mean anyone, that supports the current healthcare system in the United States," she continued. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene Explains Why She's 'Extremely Frustrated' With Dc Lawmakers The congresswoman, who identifies ideologically as "America ONLY," asserted that both issues should be urgently tackled. "These are American Only issues and such significant problems that we should be addressing them the same way we would if our house was on fire," she declared in the post, exclaiming, "America Only!!!!!" Read On The Fox News App Mtg Declares She's 'Radically America First,' Telling Those Who Are Not, 'You Are The Enemy' Greene wants the U.S. to cut off all foreign aid. In a post on X earlier this month she said "it's absolutely ridiculous that Congress refuses to step off the hamster wheel of America LAST insanity. Almost everyone I work with just keeps pushing the YES button on votes for foreign aid and foreign funding like lab rats that are trained to receive treats." Abolish Property Taxes? Desantis Endorses The Idea And Explains How It Could Be Done In Florida Last month Greene ruled out a 2026 Peach State gubernatorial article source: MTG calls for property tax abolition, derides health insurance as 'giant scam'

Who's questioning women's right to vote?
Who's questioning women's right to vote?

Yahoo

time36 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

Who's questioning women's right to vote?

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth delivers remarks at Fort Bragg, North Carolina on June 10, 2025. (Daniel Torok/The White House) This story was originally reported by Mariel Padilla, Grace Panetta and Mel Leonor Barclay of The 19th. Meet Mariel, Grace and Mel and read more of their reporting on gender, politics and policy. 'In my ideal society, we would vote as households,' a pastor tells CNN. 'And I would ordinarily be the one that would cast the vote, but I would cast the vote having discussed it with my household.' Another agrees, saying he'd back an end to a woman's right to vote: 'I would support that, and I'd support it on the basis that the atomization that comes with our current system is not good for humans.' The discussion of 19th Amendment rights was part of a news segment focused on Doug Wilson — a self-proclaimed Christian nationalist pastor based in Idaho — that was reposted to X by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. The secretary is among Wilson's supporters, and his involvement with Wilson's denomination highlights how a fringe conservative evangelical Christian belief system that questions women's right to vote is gaining more traction in the Republican Party. Kristin Du Mez, a professor of history at Calvin University and author of 'Jesus and John Wayne: How White Evangelicals Corrupted a Faith and Fractured a Nation,' said Wilson's broader vision of Christian nationalism has gotten more attention over the past several years, alongside President Donald Trump's rise to power. 'He was a fairly fringe figure, but this moment was really his moment,' she said. 'And then as part of that, also, I think he signaled and gave permission to others that they didn't need to hide some of their more controversial views, such as, should women have the vote? And that's something that you didn't hear proudly promoted from very many spaces, even just a handful of years ago.' In the CNN interview, Wilson said he'd like to see the United States become a Christian and patriarchal country. He advocates for a society where sodomy is criminalized and women submit to their husbands and shouldn't serve in combat roles in the military — a belief Hegseth has also publicly shared in the past though walked back during his confirmation hearings. Hegseth appeared to support the nearly seven-minute interview with the caption, 'All of Christ for All of Life.' Wilson has built an evangelical empire over the past 50 years that is centered in Moscow, Idaho, and now spans more than 150 congregations across four continents — including a new church in Washington, D.C. In July, Hegseth and his family attended the inaugural service at Christ Church, according to CNN. 'The Secretary is a proud member of a church affiliated with the Congregation of Reformed Evangelical Churches (CREC), which was founded by Pastor Doug Wilson,' Sean Parnell, the chief Pentagon spokesperson, said in a statement to The 19th. 'The Secretary very much appreciates many of Mr. Wilson's writings and teachings.' Du Mez said Wilson built his brand as a vocal critic of mainstream evangelicalism. 'They were too wishy washy,' Du Mez said, referring to Wilson's view of much of White evangelicalism in the 1990s and early 2000s. 'They were too soft. And so he was kind of bringing a harsher biblical truth, and that included things like a much more rigid application of biblical patriarchy. ' In 2024, only 1 in 10 Americans qualified as Christian nationalism adherents, according to the Public Religion Research Institute. Ryan Dawkins, an assistant professor of political science at Carleton College, said Christian nationalism hasn't necessarily gotten more popular in the past 20 years. But there have been partisan trends. 'While they used to be more evenly divided between the two parties, over the last two decades, Christian nationalists have sorted into the Republican Party at incredibly high rates,' Dawkins said. 'Christian nationalism is almost non-existent within the Democratic Party today, at least among White Democrats.' While it's still far from a mainstream opinion, several figures within the Republican Party have flirted with the idea of repealing the 19th Amendment. Paul Ingrassia, who Trump nominated to lead the Office of Special Counsel, suggested approval for the idea in a 2023 podcast. Podcast host Alan Jacoby told Ingrassia that his own wife is the 'biggest misogynist this side of the Mississippi, by the way. My wife literally thinks women should not vote.' Ingrassia responded, 'She's very based,' a term expressing support for a bold opinion. During the 2020 Republican National Convention, Republicans featured anti-abortion activist Abby Johnson, who has advocated for a new kind of voting system where households, not individuals, would cast votes. Head-of-household voting has historically disenfranchised women and people of color by concentrating power on the male leaders of the home. In the leadup to the 2016 presidential election, FiveThirtyEight, a political forecasting site, shared data that suggested if women didn't vote, Trump would win. The hashtag #repealthe19th — a reference to the 19th Amendment, which grants women the right to vote — quickly went viral. And a former Trump-backed Michigan candidate for the U.S. House who has also held positions in the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development was found to have made statements criticizing women's suffrage while in college at Stanford University in the early 2000s. John Gibbs, now an assistant secretary at the agency, said that the country had been damaged by the 19th Amendment because women's suffrage had led to an increase in the size and scope of the government. He added that women making up half of the population wasn't enough reason for women's suffrage. Gibbs' 2022 congressional campaign denied he opposed women's right to vote. Kelly Marino, associate teaching professor at Sacred Heart University and author of 'Votes for College Women: Alumni, Students and the Woman Suffrage Campaign' said that while conservative religious sects adamantly opposed to women's suffrage have always existed, now there is renewed momentum. 'If you look at the way things played out in the past, we have this very liberal period followed by a conservative backlash,' Marino said. 'And that's what's going on now. You have this period of liberalism where people were having a more expansive view of gender ideology, ideas about sexuality and women in politics. We had some pretty prominent female politicians that were making it pretty far in the last couple of years. And now there's a backlash.' Marino said the conservative backlash is reminiscent of the 1960s and 70s. There were significant progressive movements for civil rights, women's rights, LGBTQ+ rights and environmental protections. But at the same time, the early 1970s saw the emergence of the men's liberation movement, which focused primarily on issues like divorce law and child custody. 'There's some men who are promoting a sort of return to tradition, a patriarchal vision for society,' Marino said. 'It's always sort of there, but it's gaining traction within mainstream consciousness again. And now, you have all this stuff about soft girls and tradwives — this gender ideal of women being the domestic homemaker within a traditional family structure. There's been a big push for this radical Christianity and some of its values — it's become really popular even among younger people.' Joseph Slaughter, an assistant professor of history at Wesleyan University, said Wilson is having his moment in the spotlight — but it's important to remember that he does not speak for the majority. 'He delights in upsetting people or saying transgressive, un-PC things,' Slaughter said. 'Ten years ago, when he posted a video talking about man's biblical duties — people just sort of yawned and dismissed him. Now, he's saying things and they're gaining more currency because of some of this other new right-wing masculinity and the online manosphere.' Slaughter said it's particularly concerning that Wilson's teachings have found their support in a man as powerful as Hegseth. 'What does it mean for somebody who's running an organization which has had its struggles over the years integrating women and trying to understand existential questions about women's role in combat?' Slaughter said. 'Are Hegseth's views reinforced by his religion now? Does this church reinforce his cultural chauvinism? For somebody in his position, it's certainly fair game to ask.' SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX Solve the daily Crossword

Trump's hidden goal in Alaska was to break the China-Russia axis
Trump's hidden goal in Alaska was to break the China-Russia axis

The Hill

time36 minutes ago

  • The Hill

Trump's hidden goal in Alaska was to break the China-Russia axis

The Alaska summit between President Trump and his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, was more than a high-stakes encounter over the Ukraine war. It signaled America's recognition that its own missteps have helped drive Russia closer to China, fueling a de facto alliance that poses the gravest threat to U.S. global preeminence since the Cold War. Washington's miscalculations helped build the China-Russia partnership it now fears most. In a world where the U.S., China and Russia are the three leading powers, the Alaska summit underscored Trump's bid to redraw the great-power triangle before it hardens against America. The president's Alaska reset seeks to undo a policy that turned two natural rivals into close strategic collaborators, by prioritizing improved U.S.-Russia ties. Trump's signaling was unmistakable. In a Fox News interview immediately after the summit, he blasted his predecessor. 'He [Biden] did something that was unthinkable,' Trump said. 'He drove China and Russia together. That's not good. If you are just a minor student of history, it's the one thing you didn't want to do.' The remark captured the essence of America's dilemma. Two powers that are historic rivals — one vast in land and resources, the other populous and expansionist — have been pushed into each other's arms by Washington's own punitive strategies. For decades, the bedrock of U.S. grand strategy was to keep Moscow and Beijing apart. President Richard Nixon's 1972 opening to Beijing was not about cozying up to Mao Zedong's brutal regime, but about exploiting the Sino-Soviet split by coopting China in an informal alliance geared toward containing and rolling back Soviet influence and power. That strategy helped the West win the Cold War, not militarily but geopolitically. Since 2022, however, Washington has inverted that logic. In response to Putin's invasion of Ukraine, the U.S. unleashed unprecedented sanctions designed to cripple Russia economically. Instead, the sanctions drove the Kremlin toward Beijing while tightening Putin's grip on power. What had been an uneasy partnership has become strategic collaboration against a common adversary — the U.S. Rather than playing one against the other, America finds itself confronting a two-against-one dynamic, with China as the primary gainer. Western sanctions have effectively handed resource-rich Russia to resource-hungry China. Beijing has also chipped away at Russian influence in Central Asia, bringing former Soviet republics into its orbit. Meanwhile, despite the grinding war in Ukraine, Russia remains a formidable power. Its global reach, military capacity and resilience under sanctions have belied Western hopes that it could be isolated into irrelevance. On the battlefield, Russia holds the strategic initiative, strengthening Putin's bargaining hand and reducing his incentive to accept any ceasefire not largely on his own terms. The uncomfortable truth for Washington is that it risks losing a proxy war into which it has poured vast resources. The legacy-conscious Trump recognizes this. His push for a negotiated end to the war is not a retreat but an attempt to cut losses and refocus U.S. strategy on the larger contest with China that will shape the emerging new global order. Among the great powers, only China has both the ambition and material base to supplant the U.S. Its economy, military spending and technological capabilities dwarf that of Russia. Yet Beijing remains the main beneficiary of America's hard line against Moscow. In fact, sanctions and Western weaponization of international finance have turned China into Russia's financial lifeline. Russia's export earnings are now largely parked in Chinese banks, in effect giving Beijing a share of the returns. China has also locked in discounted, long-term energy supplies from Russia. These secure overland flows, which cannot be interdicted by hostile forces, bolster China's energy security in ways maritime trade never could — a crucial hedge as it eyes Taiwan. Far from weakening Beijing, U.S. policy has made it stronger. A formal China-Russia alliance would unite Eurasia's vast resources and power — America's ultimate nightmare, as it would accelerate its relative decline. The Ukraine war has drained U.S. focus even as China expands influence in the Indo-Pacific, the true theater of 21st-century geopolitics. This is why the Alaska summit mattered. Trump and Putin seemed to recognize that improved ties could reshape the global balance of power. For Trump, the goal is clear: Reverse America's blunder, separate Moscow from Beijing and refocus power on the systemic challenge posed by China. Critics call this appeasement, but it echoes Nixon's outreach to Mao: exploiting geopolitical rivalries to keep the U.S. globally preeminent. Washington needs similar clarity today, not doubling down on a failing proxy war, but easing tensions with Russia while strengthening deterrence in the Indo-Pacific, where the stakes are truly global. Trump's tariff-first approach, evident in his punitive approach toward India, has already hurt important partnerships. Yet his instinct on the U.S.-China-Russia triangle could be transformative. If he can begin to pry Moscow away from Beijing — or even sow just enough mistrust to prevent a durable Sino-Russian alliance — he will have altered the trajectory of world politics. America need not befriend Russia — it need only prevent Russia from becoming China's junior partner in an anti-U.S. coalition. That requires ending the Ukraine war and creating space for a geopolitical reset. The Alaska summit was only a first step. But it acknowledged what U.S. policymakers resist admitting: continuing the current course will further strengthen China and entrench America's disadvantages. A shift in strategy is not weakness. It is the essence of grand strategy — recognizing when old approaches have outlived their usefulness. If Trump can reengineer the strategic geometry of the great-power triangle, he will have preserved America's place at the apex of the global order.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store