
Dalai Lama: Politics of reincarnation
The Dalai Lama's plan to name his reincarnation has sparked controversy with China, as reincarnation holds political power in Tibetan Buddhism. Historically, Buddhism and Islam influenced China, with Tibetan Buddhism gaining prominence through Mongol patronage. The concept of reincarnation was later used to solidify ties between Tibet, Mongolia, and China, leading to Chinese control over Tibetan reincarnations.
Reuters Tibetan spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama, is served food on his 90th birthday celebration at the Tsuglagkhang, also known as the Dalai Lama Temple complex, in the northern town of Dharamshala, India, July 6, 2025. The Dalai Lama plans to declare where he will be reincarnated in his next life. In other words, where his successor will be born. To the rational mind, this may sound like a bizarre proposition, but it has annoyed the Communist authorities in China. This is because reincarnation in the Tibetan world is not about the occult or mysticism-it is about real political power. Wealth and weapons can control the bodies of people. Stories are needed to control the mind.The Chinese, whose core civilisational area has primarily been the river valleys of Yangtze and Hwang-ho, have long sought control of the dry western regions through whose mountain passes, Chinese got access to horses, in exchange for bolts of silk. From there came Buddhism, after 300 AD and Islam after 700 AD. These forces forced the isolationist China to become a major global player in medieval times, even before the arrival of Europeans arrived in ships after 1600 AD via the eastern seas.Ideas of rebirth spread via Buddhism. Rebirth is not very prominent in the Vedas, but it emerges as a major theme in South Asia following the rise of the Buddhist and Jain monastic orders 2,500 years ago. The Buddhist Jataka tales speak of the previous lives of the Buddha. Jain chronicles also speak of the rebirths of Ravana and Krishna who will become Tirthankara of the future. In Hindu tales, boons and curses of previous lives shape fortune and misfortune in present lives.Buddhist tales of rebirth became popular in China during the Tang dynasty around 800 AD when Chinese kings sponsored the building of Buddhist caves, Buddhist monasteries, Buddhist art and relic shrines. In Tibet, Buddhism made its early inroads around 800 AD. It became a major and powerful force by 1200 AD, roughly when Buddhist monks were migrating out of India, in search of new patrons, facing Brahmin hostility as well as Islamic persecution. The story of Padmasambhava who came from Oddiyana (Odisha) and tamed local Tibetan demons became the dominant story of how Tantric Buddhism reached the Himalayan plateau.
After Buddhism had declined in India, it found refuge in China (seen as the home of the Bodhisattva Manjushri) and in Tibet (seen as the home of the primal Buddha Vairocana). Southeast Asia retained the older models of Buddhism based on the teachings of Gautama Buddha. The Mahayana school flourished in China; the Tantric school flourished in Tibet. These had grander and highly innovative mythologies. The popularity of Tibetan Buddhism has much to do with the rise of the Mongols.
The Mongols, a fierce horse-breeding nomadic tribe, became conquerors under Genghis Khan in 1200 AD. The great Khan and his sons saw the Tibetan Vajrayana priests as magicians who could serve their war missions. Buddhist Tantric magic involving fierce "Heruka" beings could change weather conditions and strike fear in the hearts of enemies. In fact, the worship of Mahakala, a Tantrik Buddhist deity, played a significant role in the Mongol conquest of China as well as the sacking of Baghdad -a fact that is rarely discussed by 'rational' historians.Kublai Khan invited the Tibetan Phags-pa Lama to be his spiritual guide. This happened around 1300 AD. It was a major moment in world history, when relations between China and Tibet was established via a Mongolian king.Two hundred years later, the descendants of the Mongols and the descendants of the Tibetan lamas were seeking a way to reconnect and gain legitimacy. This is when the idea of reincarnation was invoked: a Mongol chief, Altan Khan, claimed that he was the reincarnation of Kublai Khan, and a minor lama of the Gelug monastery claimed that he was the reincarnation of Phags-pa Lama. In doing so, they were reasserting the links between Tibet, Mongolia and their shared claim over China. Altan Khan designated Sonam Gyatso as "Dalai" (a translation into Mongolian of the name Gyatso, meaning "ocean") in 1578.In subsequent decades, Tibetan lamas broke free of the shackles of the Mongol Khans and came to see themselves as both spiritual and military leaders of Tibet, perhaps inspired by the concept of the Caliph in the Islamic world. Fearing the rising autonomy and power of the Tibetan lamas, during the Qing (Manchu) era, the Chinese emperor declared that all reincarnations in Tibet must be ratified by the Chinese court. They implemented the "Golden Urn" system in 1793 which involved drawing lots from an urn to select candidates, ostensibly to ensure fairness and transparency.Few remember the war sorcery that Tibetan monks were once famous for. The Dalai Lama prefers to talk of the wise and compassionate Buddha rather than the fierce skull-bedecked "Heruka" beings that impressed the Mongols and terrified the Chinese. These images plaster the walls of Tibetan monasteries. Today, professors prefer calling them creative visualisations and metaphors of loving kindness. By ignoring the role of these myths in human history, historians and journalists fail to understand the complexity of the Dalai Lama's story in modern times.

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


New Indian Express
2 hours ago
- New Indian Express
It's the world's job to spin around, our job is to be the axis
If you like to choose allegory and atmosphere out of cinematic art to describe the contemporary, a piece of classic Hitchcock horror would seem to be in our midst. There's a bird species that's seeing an increase in its population these days. No, not the pesky pigeon, which has been rendered jobless by email. There's another that's squeaking and gnawing at our window panes. It is the black swan. It's absurd. By definition, it shouldn't be there. Certainly not in such numbers. But being devoid of logic or precedence is no disqualification these days. A handful of years ago, we were stalked by a genocidal virus. Half a season ago, we had war. A small spat in a nuclear family. Both sides complained to Papa. He came and sorted it out. His fondness for young, attractive model democracies is, anyway, all over the news in America. This is one version of the story, not particularly unprecedented if you look at Indo-Pak history. And Donald J Trump speaks only the truth. His social media platform is named for that. Every time you repost what he writes there, it's apparently called a 'retruth'. Those fervently 'retruing' his version in Parliament included Rahul Gandhi, who threw that into the debate along with a gauntlet to the government. If you believe otherwise, he thundered, say it clearly that Trump is no Mahatma Gandhi. But we know that in classical Indian logic, for every assertion, the opposite is equally untrue. Meanwhile, across the border, in Pakistan, it seems America has struck oil! No one from the colonial British to the contemporary Chinese had the foresight to dig beneath those bungalows in Abbottabad. Snake oil, perhaps? The Pakistan army is known to have inexhaustible reserves. Well, in material terms, past US prospectors have talked about shale. Hope our sensitive radars don't get alarmed by the sounds of fracking. Actually, no, this is just Trumpspeak. It means they have dug deep and discovered a new kind of strategic depth. Old-timers may recall that Rafi song which Lalu Yadav once quoted in parliament and got even Manmohan Singh grinning like a Cheshire cat: it's okay if you don't love me, as long as you don't love that—other—guy. Alas, it is happening.
&w=3840&q=100)

Business Standard
3 hours ago
- Business Standard
No passports, no study abroad: China limits public employees' travel
Vivian Wang When Tina Liu was hired to teach literature in a public elementary school in southern China, her contract included the usual warnings about absenteeism and job performance. Then came another line: Travelling abroad without the school's permission could get her fired. The rule was reinforced in a staff group chat. 'According to regulations from higher-ups, teachers need to strengthen their disciplinary awareness,' the message said. 'We will currently not permit any overseas vacations.' Across China, similar warnings are spreading as the authorities tighten control over state employees' contacts with foreigners. Some kindergarten teachers, doctors and even government contractors and employees of state-owned enterprises have been ordered to hand in their passports. Some cities make retirees wait two years to reclaim their passports. In many cities, travel overseas by public employees, even for personal reasons, requires approval. Business trips abroad for 'ordinary research, exchange and study' have been banned. And in most provinces, those who have studied abroad are now disqualified from certain public positions. Officials cite various reasons, including protecting national security, fighting corruption and cutting costs. But the scope of the restrictions has expanded rapidly, sweeping up employees who say they have no access to sensitive information or government funds. The New York Times spoke to public employees, including an elementary school music teacher, a nurse and a literature professor, who confirmed the restrictions. The rules are part of a push by the central authorities to impose greater so-called political discipline and ideological loyalty on government workers. Some local governments have banned civil servants from eating out in groups of more than three, measures that came after several reports of excessive drinking at official banquets. But the authorities are especially vigilant about overseas contact. The Chinese government has long been wary of the threat of espionage and what it sees as hostile foreign forces seeking to sow discontent. In July, People's Daily, the Chinese Communist Party's mouthpiece, published an article declaring that people-to-people diplomacy 'exists because of the party' and should be led by the party. The result is that even as Beijing advertises itself as eager to attract foreign businesses and tourists, it is preventing many of its own people from leaving. 'On the one hand, you want foreigners to come to China. You advertise Chinese culture and hope they'll boost the economy,' Liu, who is in her 20s, said. 'But on the other hand, why are you trapping us here, rather than letting us see more of the world?' Travel restrictions for some state employees are not new. Since 2003, high-ranking officials or those handling state secrets must report foreign travel in advance. Their names are given to border officials to prevent unauthorised exits. But under Xi Jinping, the controls have extended to far lower-level workers. Full-time officials at six fishing villages near the city of Zhoushan, in coastal Zhejiang Province, were told to surrender their documents, a local government notice shows. In a city in Jiangxi Province, a public health agency also told employees to report any overseas trips they'd taken since 2018. A nurse at a hospital in Zhejiang said she would need four layers of approvals to travel abroad. The restrictions, she said, seemed to show a fear that even ordinary workers might flee with sensitive information or illicit funds.


Hindustan Times
4 hours ago
- Hindustan Times
Misunderstanding India's advocacy for multipolarity
A growing number of liberal American geopolitical analysts and Donald Trump, whom they despise, have a few things in common — they are opposed to India's relationship with Russia, its association with Brics, and advocacy for multipolarity. Trump's criticism of India is sharp and direct, of course. The Trump presidency will end in another three-and-a-half years, but this rare consensus in Washington DC, on India's search for multipolarity will remain. This is something, therefore, Indian strategic thinkers must reflect on. Put differently, with or without Trump around, India's advocacy for multipolarity will continue to haunt New Delhi, particularly given the structural transformations underway in the international system today. India's foreign policy is not about indecision. It is a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. (AFP) Let's begin by unpacking some important aspects of multipolarity, given its many layers of complexity and ambiguity. First, notwithstanding the general perception about the virtues of multipolarity, it is becoming somewhat clear that a multipolar world is not as pretty as we had imagined it to be. Even the imperfect multipolarity that we have today — with poles of various sizes and influence competing for power — seems messy, incoherent, confusing and hard to navigate. If this is what a system that is not even really multipolar looks like, what will a true multipolar system look like? Second, notwithstanding the messy nature of the quasi-multipolar order today, New Delhi remains committed to a multipolar world. The desire for multipolarity is deeply entrenched in India's tradition of non-alignment, which is one of the first principles of Indian foreign policy. When faced with a difficult choice, the first strategic instinct of political New Delhi is to be non-aligned, neutral, and multi-aligned. Mostly in that order. I would not view that as strategic escapism. It is very much part of the DNA of Indian foreign policy. It would also be wrong to mistake non-alignment (or a variation thereof) as not valuing friendships, loyalty or solidarity: In fact, India's foreign policy history is rich with examples of friendships, loyalty and solidarity. In that sense, India's foreign policy is not about indecision; it's a constant search for autonomy, balance and agency. This is where the country's fascination with a multipolar world becomes crucial, for there is no genuine autonomy, balance and agency in world affairs without true multipolarity. Third, India's complaints about American unipolarity are on a steady decline, even as the rhetoric remains. It would be a mistake, however, to view New Delhi's rhetoric against unipolarity as merely, or primarily, directed against the US because today, New Delhi is less anxious about America's global unipolarity than a potential Chinese unipolarity in Asia. While America's declining global unipolarity is mostly a theoretical concern for New Delhi, the prospect of a China-led unipolar Asia is the true source of anxiety. In that sense, New Delhi's desire for multipolarity is also an attempt at ensuring the absence of a unipolar (China-dominated) Asia. Therefore, even if New Delhi is more focused on countering Chinese unipolarity in Asia rather than US unipolarity globally, opposing regional unipolarity without opposing global unipolarity will ring hollow. There are two reasons why New Delhi would be concerned about China's unipolarity in Asia. One, this could mean that China might set the rules of geopolitical engagement in Asia. Once much of Asia falls under China's influence, it will be harder for New Delhi to push back Chinese hegemony. Two, a rise of Chinese unipolarity in Asia might prompt the US to think of accommodating China in a G2 format, especially if the American nativist and isolationist tendencies persist. In an ideal world, New Delhi's articulations must make a clear distinction between American unipolarity and Chinese attempts at unipolarity in Asia, but doing so is not easy for a variety of reasons, including that New Delhi continues to resist aspects of American unipolarity and is not yet willing to acknowledge the possibility of Chinese unipolarity in Asia. But New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony, without openly resisting the growing Chinese regional hegemony or a potentially unipolar Asia, could have unintended consequences. Some US administrations, especially the current one, might interpret India's rhetoric against American unipolarity as personal rather than an academic exercise, for the most part. This could prompt an unhappy Washington to undercut India's geopolitical standing in the region, thereby indirectly aiding China's attempts at regional hegemony. This creates a paradox: India aims to counter Chinese unipolarity in Asia by promoting global multipolarity, which annoys the US, prompting it to marginalise India in the region, thereby ultimately aiding Beijing's efforts to establish hegemony in Asia. New Delhi's rhetoric against American unipolarity and hegemony could also prompt the US, which is losing influence in various parts of the world, to seek ways of strengthening its influence in spaces where it can — this could lead to accepting Chinese unipolarity in Asia. More so, if the US reacts negatively towards India, as it is doing now, it could create a fertile ground for China and Russia to fan the Indian rhetoric against the US, encourage India to proactively participate in forums and arrangements aimed at undermining US unipolarity, and generate confusion within India's strategic community about the true motives behind India's multipolarity rhetoric. All of this will further drive the geopolitical wedge between New Delhi and Washington DC. There is no easy way out. New Delhi will need to have a lot more conversations and build trust with the US. That is not easy when a president like Trump occupies the White House. Happymon Jacob is the founder and director of the Council for Strategic and Defense Research and the editor of INDIA'S WORLD magazine. The views expressed are personal.