logo
Donors urged to suspend aid to Tanzanian government after ‘poisoning attempt' on detained opposition leader

Donors urged to suspend aid to Tanzanian government after ‘poisoning attempt' on detained opposition leader

Daily Maverick09-07-2025
Tundu Lissu, a lawyer and human rights advocate who survived a previous assassination attempt in 2017 when he was shot 16 times, was arrested in April 2025 and remains detained on 'politically motivated charges of treason'.
Lawyers for Tanzania's imprisoned opposition leader, Tundu Lissu, have called on donor countries to suspend aid to the country's government because of 'credible reports' of an attempt to poison Lissu while in custody.
The law firm Amsterdam & Partners LLP, international counsel for Chadema — the main opposition party, which Lissu leads — said it was alarmed by the reports of the attempted poisoning.
'The attempt, first brought to light by Chadema party officials, marks a chilling escalation in the systematic persecution of political opposition figures under the administration of President Samia Suluhu Hassan,' said the firm.
Robert Amsterdam, founder and managing partner of the firm, said, 'The latest attack on my client is not an isolated act, but part of a broader campaign to silence and destroy the political opposition in Tanzania.
'From fabricated treason charges, unlawful detention and denial of legal access, to the targeting of opposition supporters and foreign activists, the Tanzanian government has crossed every red line of democratic legitimacy.
'Chadema has previously warned of deliberate repression, with numerous members abducted, detained, or harassed in recent months. The poisoning attempt is just the latest in a pattern of politically motivated abuses.
'In light of these developments, Amsterdam & Partners LLP is calling on all donor states and institutions providing budgetary support to the Tanzanian government to immediately suspend such aid pending independent investigations and demonstrable reform.
'President Hassan should hang her head in shame. We will be actively engaging with donor governments in the coming days to urge a suspension of support. No government should subsidise state violence against democratic opposition.'
Lissu, a lawyer and human rights advocate who survived a previous assassination attempt in 2017 when he was shot 16 times, was arrested in April 2025 and remains detained on what Amsterdam called 'politically motivated charges of treason'.
The firm said it had filed an application with the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in response to Lissu's arrest and detention. 'The apparent poisoning attempt adds a new and deeply disturbing dimension to his detention,' it said.
Lissu was arrested and charged with treason — which can carry the death penalty — for calling on Tanzanians to disrupt the presidential and legislative elections scheduled for October, because, he said, they would not be free and fair.
Chadema has been disqualified from the polls for demanding changes such as an independent electoral commission to ensure a fairer contest. Hassan's party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi, has been in power since the country's independence from British rule in 1961.
Amsterdam & Partners LLP is an international law firm based in Washington, DC, and London, with a focus on political advocacy and human rights. DM
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

From Epstein to empire: The historical continuity of men buying and selling the bodies of women and young girls
From Epstein to empire: The historical continuity of men buying and selling the bodies of women and young girls

Daily Maverick

time11 hours ago

  • Daily Maverick

From Epstein to empire: The historical continuity of men buying and selling the bodies of women and young girls

I have kept one eye on the Epstein-Trump-Maxwell story, and another on research for the book on which I am working. There's a link between the two stories. It is the continuity of men trading, buying and selling the bodies of women and young girls, and, as I came to learn, 'managing' prostitution to protect European colonialists and settlers (white men) from diseased 'natives' in the tropics. I should make a couple of things clear. Whatever is written below is taken from either official records and/or the research and the writing of British colonialists and settlers. Because of space constraints, I don't list all the references and use quotation marks only to draw attention to some of the absurdities of colonial policies, statements and expressed ideals. So, as the Russians would say, Doveryay, no proveryay (Trust, but verify). The set of chapters I am currently working on is about the societies that British colonisers and subsequent settlers created. It's not about South Africa, although I did drop in a short reference to the creation of gardens across the British Empire and the way they are being maintained by post-colonial governments. The chapters look at prostitution, the trafficking of women and the creation of brothels in the colonies, and how the British colonists 'managed' the sexual relations between their bureaucrats and settlers. More below. The faces of evil Let's get the Epstein-Trump-Maxwell stuff out of the way, but keep in the frame the way that the bodies of women and young girls have historically been treated as 'things' that can be traded and used to satisfy sexual pleasures and perversions. Or, as British and US records show, to satisfy the lustful urges of invaders, settlers and soldiers. My colleague Marianne Thamm has written about the Epstein story. I won't go into the sordid details. What I will say, to illustrate further a continuity of cruelty, is that the late Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell and her father, the late Robert Maxwell (as venal, vile and corrupt a man as there has been) represent the face of evil. (Unless evil does not quite capture paedophilia, the trafficking of young girls, stealing money from his [Maxwell's] company's pension fund, and leaving people who had been paying into the fund penniless.) He, Robert Maxwell, was ' up there with Bernie Madoff,' said Roy Greenslade, author of 'Maxwell: The Rise and Fall of Robert Maxwell and His Empire'. Maxwell was described as evil (see John Preston's book, 'Fall: The Mysterious Life and Death of Robert Maxwell, Britain's Most Notorious Media Baron') and admitted that during the Second World War, he shot a group of German soldiers despite their displaying a white flag, and (much) later remarked to one of his sons, 'I once killed boys your age. I regret it deeply'. He would be considered a war hero by the British. The continuity referred to three paragraphs above has come a long way, I would suggest. Satisfying the lusts of colonists, invaders and conquerors Let me work backwards. Though the following are not the main focus of my current work, I should start with a passage from The New York Times: 'When Cho Soon-ok was 17 in 1977, three men kidnapped and sold her to a pimp in Dongducheon, a town north of Seoul. She was about to begin high school, but instead of pursuing her dream of becoming a ballerina, she was forced to spend the next five years under the constant watch of her pimp, going to a nearby club for sex work. Her customers: American soldiers.' In the prologue of ' Sex Among Allies: Military Prostitution in US/Korea Relations ', Katherine Moon wrote: 'The selling and buying of sex by Koreans and Americans have been a staple of US-Korean relations since the Korean War (1950-53) and the permanent stationing of US troops in Korea since 1955. It is not simply a matter of women walking the streets and picking up US soldiers for a few bucks. It is a system that is sponsored and regulated by two governments, Korean and American (through the US military). The US military and the Korean government have referred to such women as 'bar girls,' 'hostesses,' 'special entertainers,' 'businesswomen,' and 'comfort women.' Koreans have also called these women the highly derogatory names, yanggalbo (Western whore) and yanggongju (Western princess).' In ' Pulp Vietnam, War and Gender in Cold War Men's Adventure Magazines ', Gregory Daddis echoed this abuse of women, and referred to 'sexual conquest of Oriental women' as a means to prove the virility of US soldiers and demonstrate power and dominance over 'savages' (see the chapter on 'War Heroes and Sexual Conquerors'). See also ' Beyond the Shadow of Camptown: Korean Military Brides in America' by Ji-Yeon Yuh. Women's bodies as a colonial project In South and Southeast Asia (and in early European settlement of North America), women were effectively traded, and prostitutes were corralled, as it were, into brothels under the guise of 'management' to protect white men from contracting diseases that were carried by the indigenous population. (It should be pointed out that the Japanese invaders in East and Southeast Asia also created brothels. My focus is, however, mainly on European, especially British colonial and settler expansionism.) In North America, the colonists and settlers moved readily 'from the raping of a woman to the raping of a country to the raping of the world. Acts of aggression, of hate, of conquest, or empire-building [evolve to] harems of women and harems of people; houses of prostitution and houses of pimps.' (Jack Forbes, 'Columbus and Other Cannibals: The Wetiko Disease of Exploitation, Imperialism, and Terrorism', p 8). In South and Southeast Asia, the sanitised basis for (venereal) disease control became a matter 'central to the state', enabled by the Contagious Diseases Act (in India) in 1886, where it was deemed necessary to provide soldiers and settlers with 'attractive' women, and make sure that everyone adhered to hygiene practices. The overriding policy in parts of the European empire in the east (and subsequent settlers) was as much about domination and control, as it was to get prostitutes 'off the streets and into brothels' to better manage women's bodies, and make sure 'natives' were 'safe' for satisfying the lusts and libidos of 'white' men. 'Surrounded by garbage, domestic animals, crawling children, and the stench of human excretion, the whole area was a scene of filth, pollution and vice. Superimposed on this was the fear of the 'native' as a rebel. The 'native' prostitute was thus by her very origin perceived as an amalgamation of all three — filth, disease and crime.' (See 'The Indian Prostitute as Colonial Subject: Bengal 1864 – 1883', by Ratnabali Chatterjee). 'The Victorian age,' wrote Chatterjee in Prostituted Women and the British Empire, 'provided a paradigm of sexual and moral hypocrisy.' Beyond Asia, the British were more concerned with the preservation and protection of whiteness than they were with 'natives'. The rise of eugenics, with attendant notions of 'racial purity', introduced a whole new raft of concerns about whether 'native' or 'white' prostitutes ought to be traded. The examples I found in these cases were from the British colonial era in Nigeria. That was when 'all sexual activities of white women in the colonies were an important part of empire building and the maintenance of white prestige,' wrote Linda Bryder in 'Sex, Race, and Colonialism: An Historiographical Review' (pp 809 – 810). In Southeast Asia, Dutch colonists considered the indigenous women 'untameable'. The indigenous women, too (not unlike the modern-day women who would lure girls into networks of abuse), would 'sell' young girls to colonists and settlers. (See ' Wives, Slaves and Concubines: A History of the Female Underclass in Dutch Asia ', by Eric Jones). Nonetheless, the female body was traded in European, notably British colonies, and as one historian of the era explained, 'The expansion of Europe was not only a matter of 'Christianity and commerce,' it was also a matter of copulation and concubinage.' Robert Hyam's work is not without criticism (see Carina Ray's criticism in ' Interracial Sex and the Making of Empire '), but he explained, nonetheless, that 'sexual opportunities were seized with imperious confidence', and that such opportunities were 'a perk' of imperial expansion of the British Empire across the world. He contended (further) that the sexual opportunities came with the service of empire, which freed men from 'repressive Victorian morality codes at home' and they could 'fulfil their libidinous desires with the colonies' sexually decadent 'natives''. This use and abuse, trade and 'management' of the bodies of women and young girls is continuously exposed, researched and discussed. It is a part of my current research (not academic), which focuses specifically on the societies established by the British empire-builders and subsequent settlers. With one eye on this history, the Epstein-Maxwell abomination represents, to me at least, a continuity of the history of the way the bodies of women and girls have been bought and sold — very often to satisfy the libidos of men. It goes much deeper than mere misogyny and has to do with deeply embedded (cultures and habits) of assuming that women are things that can be played with, fondled and exploited for sexual pleasure. Or, as Stephanie Pappas wrote in Scientific American, 'Our brains see men as whole and women as parts … sexualised body parts.' DM

Controversial Bain & Company shuts up shop in SA
Controversial Bain & Company shuts up shop in SA

eNCA

time2 days ago

  • eNCA

Controversial Bain & Company shuts up shop in SA

JOHANNESBURG - Bain and Co has decided to shut up shop in South Africa. The mega consultancy firm suffered huge reputational damage when it was embroiled in a corruption scandal involving former President, Jacob Zuma. The Nugent Commission in 2018 looked at how SARS was restructure according to a BAIN plan to become a shadow of its former self. The Zondo Commission of Inquiry found that Bain colluded with Zuma and a former SARS commissioner, Tom Moyane, to seize SARS and weaken it deliberately. The commission said it was one of the clearest cases of state capture. British politician, former UK Cabinet Minister, Lord Peter Hain, who has ties to SA and has been vocal about Bain and Company.

How UK investment is powering South Africa's jobs revolution
How UK investment is powering South Africa's jobs revolution

Daily Maverick

time3 days ago

  • Daily Maverick

How UK investment is powering South Africa's jobs revolution

UK investment and partnerships are turbocharging South African jobs, housing and digital markets — with real on-the-ground impact. On Monday, 28 July, the United Kingdom (UK) Minister for Employment Alison McGovern visited Cape Town ahead of the G20 Employment Ministerial in George this week, engaging with two flagship initiatives supported by the British High Commission that are driving job creation and economic opportunity in South Africa. According to Jenna Kretzmann, communications officer of the British Consulate General, UK firms now employ more than 100,000 South Africans, fuelling vital job creation and strengthening economic resilience in a country grappling with a 32.9% overall unemployment rate and a youth unemployment rate that reached 62.4% nationally for those aged 15 to 24 in the first quarter of this year alone. UK-backed initiatives are also seeking to address deep-rooted structural challenges—in particular, the legacy of spatial segregation that continues to shape South African cities. One such initiative, Divercity, was founded in 2018, with UK-backed British International Investment playing a key role since 2021 in funding urban renewal projects that deliver affordable housing and employment. At Divercity's Salt River housing development, the Herringbone development, supported by British International Investment (BII), is powering an urban renewal engine aimed at breaking the cycle of spatial segregation that has long plagued South African cities. This project includes funding for more than 2,500 residential units, with more than 5,500 people benefiting from it. The initiative is also expected to create up to 4,000 construction and permanent jobs, offering both roofs and opportunities. 'Almost all new affordable housing delivery since 1994 has taken place at the urban periphery, entrenching spatial segregation,' noted Carel Kleynhans, CEO of Divercity, highlighting how their partnership with BII enabled commercially viable affordable housing in prime locations. E-commerce empowerment In a separate initiative, Takealot, South Africa's largest e-commerce platform, is unleashing the digital economy through its Township Digital Market Access Programme, supported by the UK-SA Tech Hub. The top 50 SMMEs in the programme have already generated about R5.7-million in sales and 39 jobs in one year. More broadly, Takealot has created 21,000 jobs and helped more than 7,500 township Small, Medium and Micro Enterprises (SMMEs) reach new markets, illustrating how public-private innovation can fuel growth. 'We are opening up the e-commerce ecosystem, particularly to township-based entrepreneurs and small businesses…'We believe that this approach will meaningfully increase household incomes as we help create more opportunities for entrepreneurship, SMME growth and job creation,' said Fred Zietsman, CEO of Takealot. What this means for you Job seekers: UK investments mean more openings in construction, digital commerce and urban development — especially promising for youth and women. Entrepreneurs and SMMEs: More inclusion in e-commerce platforms can dramatically boost business opportunities. Urban dwellers: Projects like Divercity reduce commute costs and improve living conditions with safer, affordable housing in well-connected locations. Policy buffs: The UK-South Africa alliance models how international partnerships can go beyond aid, driving real economic transformation through sustainable jobs and innovation. DM

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store