Infosys Foundation pledges over Rs 48 cr to boost maternal, child healthcare in rural Karnataka
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
NDTV
a day ago
- NDTV
Blistering Heat, Empty Chairs, C-Word Hit UN's Flagship Development Event
Seville: Brutal heat scorched Spain this week, a blistering reminder of the climate change that is battering the world's poorest countries - stretching their finances even as government debt climbs to new heights. But at a once-a-decade UN development finance conference in Seville, two key ingredients were in less abundance: money and power. Just one G7 leader - France's Emmanuel Macron - attended the event, where he and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez addressed rooms filled with dozens of empty chairs. Organisers initially said they expected 70 heads of state; that was whittled to 50 as the conference got underway. Back in Washington, Paris, London and Berlin, rich-country leaders are slashing aid and cutting bilateral lending in a pivot to defence spending and rising debt at home. "The mood is ... I would say realistic, but also a sense of unity and of pragmatism," said Alvaro Lario, president of the International Fund of Agricultural Development, adding the question on everyone's mind this week was how to do more with less. "How can we come together, or think out of the box, or create new type of ways of really stretching it more?" The Financing For Development meeting is a flagship UN conference, charting the trajectory to help tackle changes the world must make to tax policies, aid spending or key areas such as debt, health and education. Its outcomes guide global aid funding and UN policies for the decade to come. Empty Chairs, Missing Leaders Few disagree over the need for action; hundred-year floods and storms are happening with alarming regularity, and rising debt-servicing costs are siphoning money away from health, education and infrastructure spending in the developing world. But even top developing-world leaders Mia Mottley, the Barbados prime minister and prominent global climate champion, and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, currently chairing the Group of 20 major economies, backed out of the event at the last minute. The media room was stacked with bored-looking Spanish press gossiping about a domestic political scandal while disillusioned civil-society leaders stalked the halls, upset with the watered-down agenda and the lack of fiscal or political firepower. "We are facing a backsliding of many agendas that we had advanced a few years ago," said Henrique Frota, director of ABONG, a Brazilian association of NGOs. "Developed countries are reducing their investment in (official development assistance) and European countries are not fulfilling their commitment ... they are giving less and less money right now for every kind of agenda." Event leaders were relieved to produce an outcome document - despite gnawing fears in the past months that Washington would torpedo any deal. In the end, U.S. officials backed out altogether. "The entire community was very afraid of coming here because one country wasn't attending," said UN Assistant Secretary General Marcos Neto. "But the document ended up working out ... I'm leaving happy, with more optimism than I thought I would leave with." Neto highlighted significant steps toward implementing climate and development goals, including the Seville Platform and multiple agreements from public and private sectors to leverage funds for the biggest possible impact. The Seville Commitment included tripling multilateral lending capacity, debt relief, a push to boost tax-to-GDP ratios to at least 15%, and get more rich countries to let the IMF use "special drawing rights" money for countries that need it most. But in Seville, only host nation Spain signed on to commit 50% of its "Special Drawing Rights" for the purpose. THE C-Word UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina J Mohammed acknowledged that the attendance was not as star-studded as hoped, and that public funds are under pressure. "But there's innovative financing, there's the private sector, there's the triple lending of MDBs ... so the resources are there," she said. "We just have to have the political will to leverage through these mechanisms that have come out of the platform of action and continue moving with them." U.S. President Donald Trump, despite his country's absence, loomed large over the event; his climate change scepticism, hostility toward diversity initiatives and pledge to review U.S. participation in multilateral organizations made some keen to strip the "c-word" - climate change - and rebrand initiatives as focused on resilience, education or health. Still, some say the gloomy backdrop should not deter leaders focused on progress. "Ultimately the important thing is doing it," said Jose Vinals, former group chairman of Standard Chartered and co-chair of both the FFD4 Business Steering Committee and the Global Investors for Sustainable Development Alliance. "The private sector is, for the most part, still willing to walk the talk." (Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)
India Today
a day ago
- India Today
Empty chairs, missing leaders: Blistering heat mars once-a-decade UN event
Brutal heat scorched Spain this week, a blistering reminder of the climate change that is battering the world's poorest countries - stretching their finances even as government debt climbs to new at a once-a-decade UN development finance conference in Seville, two key ingredients were in less abundance: money and one G7 leader - France's Emmanuel Macron - attended the event, where he and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez addressed rooms with dozens of empty chairs. Organisers initially said they expected 70 heads of state; that was whittled to 50 as the conference got under Back in Washington, Paris, London and Berlin, rich-country leaders are slashing aid and cutting bilateral lending in a pivot to defence spending and rising debt at home."The mood is ... I would say realistic, but also a sense of unity and of pragmatism," said Alvaro Lario, president of the International Fund of Agricultural Development, adding the question on everyone's mind this week was how to do more with less."How can we come together, or think out of the box, or create new type of ways of really stretching it more?"The Financing For Development meeting is a flagship UN conference, charting the trajectory to help tackle changes the world must make to tax policies, aid spending or key areas such as debt, health and education. Its outcomes guide global aid funding and UN policies for the decade to CHAIRS, MISSING LEADERSFew disagree over the need for action. Hundred-year floods and storms are happening with alarming regularity, and rising debt-servicing costs are siphoning money away from health, education and infrastructure spending in the developing even top developing-world leaders Mia Mottley, the Barbados prime minister and prominent global climate champion, and South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, currently chairing the Group of 20 major economies, backed out of the event at the last media room was stacked with Spanish press gossiping about a domestic political scandal while disillusioned civil-society leaders stalked the halls, upset with the watered-down agenda and the lack of fiscal or political firepower."We are facing a backsliding of many agendas that we had advanced a few years ago," said Henrique Frota, director of ABONG, a Brazilian association of NGOs. "Developed countries are reducing their investment in (official development assistance) and European countries are not fulfilling their commitment ... they are giving less and less money right now for every kind of agenda."Event leaders were relieved to produce an outcome document - despite gnawing fears in the past months that Washington would torpedo any the end, U.S. officials backed out altogether."The entire community was very afraid of coming here because one country wasn't attending," said UN Assistant Secretary General Marcos Neto. "But the document ended up working out ... I'm leaving happy, with more optimism than I thought I would leave with."advertisementNeto highlighted significant steps toward implementing climate and development goals, including the Seville Platform and multiple agreements from public and private sectors to leverage funds for the biggest possible Seville Commitment included tripling multilateral lending capacity, debt relief, a push to boost tax-to-GDP ratios to at least 15%, and get more rich countries to let the IMF use "special drawing rights" money for countries that need it in Seville, only host nation Spain signed on to commit 50% of its "Special Drawing Rights" for the C-WORDUN Deputy Secretary-General Amina J. Mohammed acknowledged that the attendance was not as star-studded as hoped, and that public funds are under pressure."But there's innovative financing, there's the private sector, there's the triple lending of MDBs ... so the resources are there," she said."We just have to have the political will to leverage through these mechanisms that have come out of the platform of action and continue moving with them."advertisementU.S. President Donald Trump, despite his country's absence, loomed large over the event; his climate change scepticism, hostility toward diversity initiatives and pledge to review U.S. participation in multilateral organisations made some keen to strip out references to climate change and rebrand initiatives as focused on resilience, education or some said the gloomy backdrop should not deter leaders focused on progress."Ultimately the important thing is doing it," said Jose Vinals, former group chairman of Standard Chartered and co-chair of both the FFD4 Business Steering Committee and the Global Investors for Sustainable Development Alliance."The private sector is, for the most part, still willing to walk the talk."- EndsMust Watch
NDTV
a day ago
- NDTV
The Dragon-Scorpion Embrace, And Why India Can't Afford To Ignore It
The geopolitical chessboard of South Asia has long been characterised by intricate manoeuvres and enduring rivalries. Yet, in recent times, few phenomena have commanded as much strategic scrutiny and warranted as much circumspection from New Delhi as the deepening, increasingly brazen nexus between China and Pakistan. This is not merely a transactional alliance, a convenient marriage of interests born of shared antipathy towards India. Rather, what we observe is a sophisticated, multi-faceted embrace that has profound implications for India's security, economic aspirations, and regional standing. For too long, perhaps, some in India have viewed this relationship through a rather narrow lens, often focusing on Pakistan's historical reliance on China for military hardware or Beijing's diplomatic shields at the United Nations. While these aspects remain salient, they merely scratch the surface of a far more intricate and expansive collaboration. A Deep Relationship This is a partnership that transcends the purely military aspect, weaving itself into the very fabric of Pakistan's economic future through the much-touted China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project (and the single largest in dollar terms) of Beijing's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CPEC, for all its purported developmental benefits for Pakistan, is a clear manifestation of China's grand strategy: to establish a firm foothold in the Indian Ocean region and to extend its influence deep into South Asia. The corridor, snaking through the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir territory that is undeniably an integral part of India, is not merely an economic artery; it is a strategic bypass, designed to provide China with critical access to the Arabian Sea via Gwadar Port. In the old days, goods destined for Western China had to come from the Suez Canal or the Straits of Hormuz past India, through the Malacca Straits, into the South China Sea; unload in Guangzhou or Shenzhen; then travel by road the long way across mainland China to the Western provinces. Gwadar saves 90% of the time and 95% of the costs of doing this. This strategic access gives China a considerable stake in Pakistan, in its own interest. Coupled with China's expanding naval presence, it presents a palpable challenge to India's maritime security and its preeminence in the Indian Ocean. Why Both Need Each Other Beyond the visible infrastructure, the China-Pakistan axis is a symbiotic relationship of geopolitical design. For Pakistan, China is the indispensable patron, offering economic lifelines and diplomatic cover, particularly on issues of cross-border terrorism that India has strenuously sought to highlight on global platforms. Beijing's consistent obstruction of UN resolutions aimed at sanctioning Pakistan-based terror operatives is a stark reminder of this unwavering support, effectively insulating Pakistan from international accountability. For China, Pakistan serves as a crucial geostrategic pawn, a reliable counterweight to India's growing economic and diplomatic heft. By bolstering Pakistan, Beijing ensures that New Delhi remains perpetually engaged on its western flank, diverting its strategic energies and resources from its broader regional and global ambitions. India Can't Shut Its Eyes This "two-front" conundrum is not a hypothetical scenario for India; it is a live challenge that necessitates constant vigilance and strategic preparedness. The recent flare-ups along our western borders during Operation Sindoor, often featuring sophisticated Chinese-made military hardware in Pakistani hands, underscore this reality with stark clarity. Moreover, we are witnessing a concerted effort by China to cultivate a "trilateral nexus" involving Pakistan and other neighbours, such as Bangladesh and Afghanistan. While framed as initiatives for regional stability and economic cooperation, these engagements are, at their core, calibrated attempts to dilute India's influence and to construct a China-centric regional order. Whatever we are seeing is a subtle but potent form of diplomatic encirclement, seeking to redefine the regional power dynamics in Beijing's favour. So, how must India navigate this complex and evolving landscape? Deterrence And Diplomacy The answer, I submit, lies in a multi-pronged approach that combines robust deterrence with astute diplomacy and strategic economic initiatives. Firstly, our military preparedness must remain paramount. While we advocate for peace and stability, the realities of our neighbourhood demand a credible and decisive defence posture, capable of deterring any adventurism from either border. Investment in cutting-edge defence technology, indigenous manufacturing, and continuous modernisation of our armed forces are not luxuries but necessities. Secondly, India must continue to leverage its soft power and deepen its engagement with other regional partners who may also harbour reservations about China's burgeoning influence. Strengthening ties with countries in the subcontinent, across Southeast Asia, the Quad nations, and like-minded powers globally can help create a broader framework of checks and balances against hegemonic ambitions. Our diplomatic outreach must be relentless, articulating our legitimate concerns while championing a rules-based international order. Growth Is The Best Bulwark Finally, and perhaps most crucially, we must accelerate our own economic growth and enhance our connectivity projects. Projects like the International North-South Transport Corridor and the Chabahar Port, while not directly countering CPEC, offer alternative pathways that reduce our reliance on Chinese-dominated infrastructure and enhance our strategic reach. Let's face it: we don't have the resources that China has. But we don't need that much to offer credible resistance to Chinese designs. A strong, self-reliant India, economically vibrant and strategically confident, is the most effective bulwark against any attempts to circumscribe its rise. The China-Pakistan nexus is not a passing phenomenon but a deeply entrenched geopolitical reality. It demands from India not just reactive measures but a comprehensive, far-sighted strategy. The challenge is formidable, but India, with its innate resilience and growing global stature, is more than capable of charting a course that safeguards its interests and ensures its rightful place on the world stage. To do otherwise would be to misread the script of our times and to concede the future to forces in Beijing that do not wish us well. (Shashi Tharoor has been a Member of Parliament from Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, since 2009. He is a published author and a former diplomat.) Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
