
How one million white Europeans - many seized on the south coast of England - were sold to the Muslim world and brutally exploited in the slavery scandal the Left DON'T want to speak about
But Pellow was not a mercenary employed in the transatlantic slave trade, which sent millions of its victims across the ocean. He was a slave himself – taken prisoner as a child by the Moroccan Sultan Moulay Ismail. And 300 years ago, he was far from alone.
The sultan owned an estimated 25,000 European slaves, many seized in raiding expeditions on the south coast of England as well as countries as far afield as Iceland.
Though it is almost forgotten today – suppressed, perhaps, by some squeamish historians – the Muslim trade in both black African and white European slaves was deeply feared for three centuries.
Yet, at the time, dozens of memoirs, many of them bestsellers, were published by former slaves who had escaped from captivity, with horrendous stories of torture, rape and cold-blooded murder.
Now, a book by historian Justin Marozzi unflinchingly reveals the extent of slavery in Arab countries, which was conducted with unequalled brutality.
More shocking still, he shows that it continued in much of the Islamic world well into the 20th century – and, for hundreds of thousands of West Africans born into life as slaves, carries on to this day.
For Marozzi to investigate these stories, let alone publish, is courageous. His book invites an inevitable backlash from Left-wing academics and broadcasters who focus solely on the slave trade triangle between Europe, West Africa and the Americas that operated from the 16th to the 19th centuries.
To accuse Arabs, Turks and other Muslims of complicity in slavery is likely to be met with accusations of 'Islamophobia'. Yet, as Marozzi's research proves beyond doubt, slavery in the Muslim world has existed for far longer, caused even more deaths and misery and inflicted tortures that exceed anything imagined by the worst of the transatlantic traders.
As a single example: in the Victorian era, Sudan exported countless thousands of eunuchs to serve as slaves in Turkey and the Arab countries. Eunuchs, male slaves who had been castrated as pre-pubescent boys, were valued for their inability to procreate, and so could be trusted not to get sexually involved with their master's wives and consorts.
An estimated 35,000 pre-pubescent boys died from botched castration in Sudan every year, in order for 3,500 to survive without a penis or testicles.
Thomas Pellow escaped castration. But he suffered the worst a life of slavery could inflict in many other ways for more than 20 years.
He was an 11-year-old cabin boy on a ship skippered by his uncle, sailing out of Falmouth, Cornwall, in 1715, when he was taken captive. Off Cape Finisterre on Spain's Atlantic coastline, his craft was set upon by North African pirates and, after a battle in which young Thomas nearly drowned, he was taken in chains to Meknes in Morocco as a gift for Moulay Ismail – self-styled Prince of the Faithful.
The sultan gave Thomas to his own son, Moulay Spha, who forced him to convert to Islam. The boy, brought up a Christian, resisted for months, despite beatings during which he was suspended by the ankles to have the soles of his feet thrashed – a torture known as bastinado.
Thomas still refused to renounce Christianity, later writing: 'My tortures were now exceedingly increased, burning my flesh off my bones by fire.' Eventually, he pretended to submit – but 'I always abominated them and their accursed principle of Mahometism'.
His youthful defiance must have impressed the Arabs because he was soon back in the sultan's service.
Pellow was put in command of a slave-hunting expedition to Guinea, with an army of 30,000 soldiers – all slaves themselves – and 60,000 camels. He was so trusted that the sultan even made him guardian of his 4,000 slave concubines.
In addition to his British, Spanish, Portuguese and French slaves, the sultan was estimated to own nearly a quarter of a million black Africans. To breed more slaves, he staged mass weddings for up to 1,600 people, marrying couples by pointing to them and declaring: 'That one takes that one.'
Pellow wrote: 'He always yokes his best complexioned subjects [i.e. white males] to a black helpmate, and the fair lady must take up with a negro . . . as firmly noosed as if they had been married by a pope.'
Muslims considered all children born to slave mothers to be slaves themselves, regardless of who their fathers were.
Brave Thomas finally escaped after 23 years as a captive, fleeing over the Atlas Mountains and reaching his parents' home in Cornwall months later, in 1738, after 'long straying and grievous hardships'.
His resulting book proved a sensation, promising 'a particular account of the astonishing tyranny and cruelty of their emperors, together with a description of the miseries of the Christian slaves'.
Even Samuel Pepys addressed the topic in his famous diaries. In February 1661, he recorded how he'd been drinking until four in the morning with two British men who had been slaves in Algiers, a Captain Mootham and Mr Dawes.
They had survived on bread and water, he wrote, and were regularly beaten on their feet and their stomachs. At night, any slave, male or female, could be ordered to their master's tent and raped.
Muslim pirates sailing out of Algiers raided all along the Mediterranean and out into the Atlantic as far as Madeira. By the 1620s, 10,000 European slaves were being held in the city's dungeons, including Scots, Irish, Dutch, Danish, Slav and Spanish captives. Others included Japanese and Chinese victims.
The Flemish aristocrat Emanuel d'Aranda, who spent two years as a prisoner doing punishingly heavy labour before he was ransomed, calculated that 600,000 European Christians were enslaved in Algiers between 1536 and 1640 alone. That tallies with the generally accepted estimate that a million white Europeans were enslaved from the 1500s to the 1800s.
Raids on coastal villages were horrific and bloody. Devon and Cornwall suffered repeated slave raids in the 1620s; and in 1627, two bands of slavers hit south-east Iceland, capturing more than 400 men, women and children. A man named Bjarni Valdason, who tried to escape, was clubbed over the head and killed, his body butchered into small pieces 'as if he were a sheep', according to one witness.
Houses were torched. One young mother and her two-year-old toddler were hurled into a blazing building and burned to death: 'When she and the poor child screamed and called to God for help, the wicked Turks bellowed with laughter. They struck both child and mother with the sharp points of their spears, forcing them into the fire, and even stabbed fiercely at the poor burning bodies.'
Those are the words of Olafur Egilsson, a Lutheran minister in his 60s, who was beaten until he could no longer stand, as the pirates tortured him to find out if the villagers had hidden treasure.
Distressing and deeply shocking as these individual stories are, they are a few cases among millions. The scale of slavery in the Muslim world was vast beyond imagination.
'At one time,' the eminent historian Professor Robert Tombs says, 'everyone knew about it. It was one of the main hazards of Mediterranean commerce for Western sailors. But today, most people are completely unaware it ever happened.'
Partly, that is due to the current insistence that the British empire was the source of all historical evils. It does not suit the politically correct narrative to admit that Muslim slave traders were the scourge of Africa, long before the Europeans arrived . . . and long after they left.
Citing the Encyclopedia Britannica, Marozzi estimates that in 1861, at the start of the American Civil War that would put an end to U.S. slavery, there were more slaves in the Muslim states of West Africa than in the Confederate states of the Deep South of America.
The Arab slave trade dated back long before the beginnings of Islam in the 7th century. The Prophet Mohammed owned 70 slaves including Persians, Ethiopians, Copts (Christians from modern-day Egypt) and Syrians.
Between that time and the First World War, up to 17 million people were taken prisoner and used as slaves in Muslim armies and in brothels, on building sites and in private homes. That could be 50 per cent more than the total number of Africans transported across the Atlantic, a figure usually put at 11 million to 15 million.
By sickening tradition, the treatment of women was especially brutal. A witness at the Persian court of Musa al-Hadi, in the 8th century, described how the caliph once left in the middle of a meal after receiving a message from a eunuch.
When they returned, the eunuch was carrying a platter covered with a napkin, and trembling. Hadi whipped away the cloth, revealing, 'the heads of two slave girls, with more beautiful faces and hair, by God, than I had ever seen before'.
Hadi explained, as though nothing unusual had occurred: 'We received information that these two were in love with each other. So I set this eunuch to watch over them and report to me. I found them under a single coverlet committing an immoral act. I thereupon killed them.'
The castration of boys to make them into eunuchs was still practised as recently as the 19th century. The French aristocrat and explorer Count Raoul du Bisson saw it performed in Abyssinia (now Ethiopia), calling the operation 'barbarous and revolting'.
'The little, helpless and unfortunate prisoner, or slave, is stretched out on an operating table,' he wrote in 1863. 'His neck is made fast in a collar fastened to the table, and his legs spread apart, and the ankles made fast to iron rings; his arms are held by an assistant. The operator then seizes the little penis and scrotum, and with one sweep of a sharp razor removes all the appendages.'
A bamboo catheter was then inserted into the urethra, to prevent it from scarring over, and hot oil, honey, tar or mule dung smeared over the cuts. The boy, typically aged between six and 12, was buried in warm sand up to his neck to stop him from moving while his wounds healed.
A majbub, or eunuch without his penis, fetched a much higher price at slave markets than a khasi, one who had merely had his testicles removed. A khasi was more likely to serve as a soldier or policeman than a majbub, who could be trusted in the harem. British people 200 years ago were no less repulsed by such stories than we are today.
As well as leading the way in ending the transatlantic slave trade in the 19th century, Great Britain put intense pressure on the Ottoman empire in Turkey and the whole of the Arab world to end slavery.
'Even while suppressing the transatlantic slave trade,' says historian and ethicist Professor Nigel Biggar, 'the British empire was busy trying to suppress the Arab slave trade in Africa – especially East Africa – including using the Royal Navy to intercept slave ships between Zanzibar and the Middle East.'
But in much of West Africa, slavery continues today. In Bamako, the capital of Mali, Marozzi met an escaped slave named Hamey, in his late 50s, who was living in destitution with his two wives and 12 children.
'I didn't choose to be a slave,' he said. 'My father was a slave, my grandfather was a slave, and many more generations before them. I was a slave until the day I refused to go on. I'd had enough of it. And that's when the violence began.'
Hamey spoke out because he was sick of seeing his wives and daughters raped. 'They can do it whenever they like. I could never accept that. My master used to tell me: "She may be your wife but I can take her whenever I want her." '
But when he pleaded for his family to be given their freedom, Hamey was set upon by the head of his village and a group of young men. 'They ripped off my clothes and, while I lay naked in the dirt, they whipped and kicked me and beat me in public. Everyone was watching. The whole community. They were cheering and filming it all on their phones.
'It lasted five hours, then the youths rushed to my house and drove me and my family out. They took my cows, my goats and my sheep. Suddenly, I had nothing, but I still had everyone to feed.'
It's a bleak prospect: slavery or starvation. And for an estimated one million slaves in Mali, an Islamic country, that is all life holds to this day.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Guardian
3 hours ago
- The Guardian
‘The matter is in his hands alone': president of Sierra Leone urged to ban FGM as court rules it tantamount to torture
As Kadijatu Balaima Allieu walked to a neighbour's house in her village in Sierra Leone, she had no idea that what was about to happen would alter the course of her life for ever. It was a beautiful September morning in 2016 and Allieu, 28 at the time, had gone to resolve a dispute she had with another woman, who belonged to the Bondo society, an influential and secretive group of women. Shortly after she arrived, she was forced into a room and the door locked. Her hands were tied. She was beaten, blindfolded and gagged. Then a woman sat on her chest while others forced her legs apart. She was forcibly subjected to female genital mutilation (FGM), the partial or total removal by cutting of the female genitalia. 'There was nothing left of me [to fight],' says Allieu. 'Out of 100% energy, I was left with something like 1%. So they carried on with their operation.' Nine years later, Allieu's experience has led to a ruling against Sierra Leone by the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) court of justice, which described FGM as 'one of the worst forms of violence against women' which 'meets the threshold for torture'. The case, filed by Forum Against Harmful Practices (FAHP), We Are Purposeful, and Allieu, held the government liable for human rights violations due to its failure to criminalise FGM. The court ordered Sierra Leone 'to enact and implement legislation criminalising female genital mutilation and to take appropriate measures toprohibit its occurrence and protect victims'. Though the UN passed a resolution to ban FGM in 2012, it is still practised in about 30 countries. In Sierra Leone, a national survey in 2019 found that 83% of women had undergone FGM, with 71% of them subjected to the practice before the age of 15. There is no law explicitly criminalising the procedure, part of a traditional initiation ritual that marks a girl's entry into womanhood, carried out by senior members of Bondo societies. Every year, women and children are left with health complications, and some die, as a result of such rituals. Female genital mutilation (FGM) is the removal of part or all of the external genitalia for nonmedical reasons, as defined by the World Health Organization. There are different types of cutting: removal of the clitoris and/or its hood; removing the clitoris and the inner fold of the vulva (labia minora); and the narrowing of the vaginal opening by cutting and repositioning the labia minora through stitching. Also known as infibulation, this has the worst health consequences. The fourth type of cutting includes other forms of injury to the genitalia such as incising, scraping or cauterising. Since traditional practitioners use razor blades or knives, with no anaesthesia, girls experience excruciating pain and are at risk of severe bleeding and infections which can lead to sepsis. Some do not survive. For the girls, who are often married off soon after genital cutting, sex is traumatic and painful, and enjoying sex will always be difficult unless they have surgical reconstruction. In pregnancy, delivery is often risky due to obstructed and prolonged labour. Women are at risk of developing obstetric fistula (an abnormal opening between a woman's genital tract and her urinary tract or rectum) which can cause incontinence – leading to shame, stigma and rejection from their partners. When members of the Bondo society had finished mutilating Allieu, she was dragged to another room and left in a pool of blood for three days, until police found her and took her to hospital. She had three operations to fix some of the damage that had been inflicted. After the third operation, Allieu remembers the doctor telling her 'he had never seen this level of wickedness'. Even so, a crowd, including Bondo society members, marched on the hospital, calling for Allieu to be handed over. The woman who had cut her was very influential and was angry that Allieu had escaped, with the help of the police. Unable to walk, Allieu was dragged by staff to the basement to hide. 'I felt like this was the end of the road,' says Allieu. 'I was in so much pain, I was tired and had nothing left.' Police and soldiers were called to protect the hospital and the crowd dispersed, but remaining in the hospital was impossible. One of Allieu's neighbours worked for the UN and offered to drive her to the border with Liberia so she could leave the country. She made it to the other side and after 14 days arrived at a friend's house. Over the next five years, Allieu was helped by various people and organisations. She also met someone who offered to help after hearing her story, and paid for her to go abroad for surgery on her injuries. After her trauma had subsided and she found out there had been a change of government, Allieu's thoughts turned to her family, especially her son who was 10 when she left. She decided to return to Sierra Leone. 'People saw me, said I was dead and came to feel me to check I was alive,' she says. 'When I saw my son and my family, it was good, I was happy.' Sign up to Global Dispatch Get a different world view with a roundup of the best news, features and pictures, curated by our global development team after newsletter promotion When word spread she was back, an activist got in touch and introduced her to Yasmin Jusu-sheriff, a human rights lawyer and former vice-chair of the Human Rights Commission of Sierra Leone, who was instrumental, among others, in bringing the case to Ecowas. The ruling on 8 July comes at a critical time in the fight against FGM in Sierra Leone. A few weeks before, on 21 June, the president of Sierra Leone, Julius Maada Bio, became chair of Ecowas, marking a historic moment as the first Sierra Leonean head of state to hold the position. He has yet to acknowledge the ruling publicly. Meanwhile, celebrations at the passing of the Child Rights Act 2025 in Sierra Leone in early July were tempered when parliament issued a press release on 7 July stating that the act, which prohibits all forms of violence against children, including physical and mental abuse, 'does not contain any provision imposing a fine, penalty, or punishment specifically addressing FGM'. The act is awaiting presidential assent. But as there is no mention of banning FGM, Josephine Kamara, advocacy and communications manager at Purposeful, says: 'If we can't name a violent action for what it is, and boldly call it out, we cannot begin to end it.' 'Politically and internationally, the situation just does not look good,' says Jusu-sheriff. 'Since the president is chairman of Ecowas, and in light of the Ecowas decision, let him send the act back to parliament and let them rethink it.' She adds: 'The matter is in his hands, and his hands alone. He holds the sword of Damocles over himself. This is the thing that will determine whether he will go down as the greatest, most human rights-loving president of all time, or not.' Allieu, who is bringing a separate case in Sierra Leone against the woman who mutilated her, is due to be awarded $30,000 (£22,000) in compensation as part of the Ecowas ruling. She says she can't find work because of the public stigma surrounding her case, but wants to use the money to further her education and become an activist. 'I really want the government to look into this, especially the sitting president with his power as head of state,' she says. 'I want him to honour the ruling of the Ecowas court and [make it so] the Child Rights Act can help eradicate FGM.'


Times
8 hours ago
- Times
Edinburgh University apologises for historic links to racist theories
Edinburgh University has issued a 'deep' apology after admitting it was once a haven of white supremacism which profited from slavery. An academic investigation has found that scholars at the institution, which was one of the intellectual engine rooms of the 18th-century Scottish Enlightenment, played an 'outsized' role in creating racist theories that persist to this day. The Race Review, commissioned by university leaders in the aftermath of the Black Lives Matter movement, found that one of Edinburgh's celebrated moral philosophers and mathematicians, Dugald Stewart, taught thousands of students that white Europeans were racially superior. There is still a building on campus named after Stewart, one of the founders of Scotland's national academy, the Royal Society of Edinburgh. The review also found that the university had received the equivalent of £34 million in today's prices from former students and donors with links to the slave trade. Some of that money continues to benefit staff and students. Addressing contemporary issues, the review's authors recommended the institution should unadopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism — aimed at protecting Jewish communities — because it stifles 'free conversation' about Israel's actions in Gaza and the West Bank. The definition reads 'Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews' but some academics say this is being used to silence criticism of Israeli government action. The report makes 47 recommendations for change, such as renaming buildings and repurposing some of its most famous events and prizes linked to former luminaries. The university, it said, should also sell off investments in companies that have significant links to the Israeli government. Some critics of the review said that a university facing real financial pressures should spend less time on 'revisionist, right-on views' and 'virtue signalling'. The authors of the review, commissioned by the principal, Sir Peter Mathieson, said their findings raised serious questions about the university's role as the seat of the Scottish Enlightenment, when it became famous for the works of philosophers such as David Hume. Its landmark David Hume Tower, on the city centre campus, was renamed 40 George Square in 2020 after an earlier investigation in which Hume was revealed to have held racist views. The inquiry — chaired by Sir Geoff Palmer, Scotland first black professor, who died in June — found that the university still had bequests worth £9.4 million that came directly from donors linked to slavery and colonial conquests which fund lectures, medals and fellowships today. Mathieson, describing the review as the most extensive investigation of its kind carried out in the UK, extended the university's deepest apologies for its role not only in profiting materially from practices and systems that caused so much suffering but also in contributing to the production and perpetuation of racialised thought. Among the historical findings were that the university explicitly sought donations from graduates linked to slavery to help build two of its most famous buildings, Old College in the 1790s and the Old Medical school in the 1870s. The university had at least 15 endowments derived from African enslavement and 12 linked to British colonialism in India, Singapore and South Africa. Ten of those are still active today and the university was urged to redirect the money to hiring academics from black and minority backgrounds and on research and teaching about racism and colonialism, as well as more bursaries for minority students. Mathieson said Edinburgh, where staff and students have held protests accusing the university of complicity with Israeli actions in Gaza, was 'actively' reviewing its support for the antisemitism definition addressed in the report. 'The university adopted the definition in 2020 and we fully recognise this is a complex and sensitive topic,' he said. 'Jewish and non-Jewish people alike hold a range of views on definitions of antisemitism, including the IHRA, and we are currently considering our approaches on this in consultation with our university community.' Miles Briggs, the Scottish Conservative shadow cabinet secretary for education, said: 'At a time when Edinburgh University is dealing with SNP funding cuts and questions about its own financial management and job losses, it should have more urgent priorities than pandering to these kind of revisionist right-on views. It is vital that we understand our history but not try to erase it.' Nigel Biggar, the Scottish regius professor emeritus of moral theology at Oxford and author of Colonialism: A Moral Reckoning, said: 'Everything we have inherited is a mixture of good and bad. If we aren't prepared to honour the achievements of flawed human beings, we'll honour no achievements at all. Self-righteous virtue signalling benefits no one.'


The Guardian
16 hours ago
- The Guardian
How the riches of its graduates tied Edinburgh University to slavery
Robert Halliday Gunning was a Victorian success story, an Edinburgh-trained doctor who amassed a fortune in Brazil's goldmines before lavishing his wealth on philanthropic gifts. It also appears he was eaten by guilt. In later life, he ensured his legacy would be linked to acts of benevolence: from the 1880s onwards he paid for endowments, prizes, medals, lectures and academic posts at Edinburgh University, several of which still bear his name. Today they are worth £5.3m. Gunning, a former Edinburgh medical student and anatomist, had been enmeshed in Brazil's enslavement-based gold mining industry. Decades after slavery was criminalised in Britain, he was widely believed to own up to 40 enslaved people – a charge he denied. A recently discovered letter suggests his gifts were a calculated act of reputation washing. He told the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, another institution that enjoyed his largesse, he had 'come forward without being asked, to relieve my conscience, and leave behind what I cannot take away when life ends, and I feel it no sacrifice but an honour to do so'. Gunning was one of hundreds of Edinburgh graduates who made their fortunes from the transatlantic slave trade, on plantations in the Americas or profiting from the empire. They served as doctors on slave ships, administrators, lawyers to enslavers, merchants, plantation owners, or were slavers themselves. The scale of Edinburgh University's entanglements with transatlantic slavery and colonialism has been exposed by new research, commissioned by the university. It has established that Edinburgh raised the equivalent of tens of millions of pounds from donors implicated in slavery or colonial wealth-building. A study by Dr Simon Buck, a research fellow, has found Edinburgh raised at least £250,000 (in historical money) from slavery-linked and colonial donors from the late 1700s until well into the late 1800s. The university sought out those donors, despite bitter and public divisions among students and staff over the morality of enslavement. Buck calculates the donations were equivalent to at least £30m based on current retail prices, derived from tobacco, sugar, cotton, gold, silk, indigo, linen, iron and opium production and trading. Based on present-day earnings, a different measure, that is equivalent to £202m today, or as much as £845m based on the UK's growth in overall wealth and productivity since then. Buck calculates at least £6,258 (in historical money) was raised from hundreds of slavery- and empire-linked donors between 1789 and 1794, about 17% of the total philanthropic donations. That equates to about £1m today based on retail price inflation, or £11m based on growth in earnings. How we present the worth of historical sums of money There are different ways of calculating the present-day value of money spent in previous on work by the Measuring Worth Foundation, Edinburgh University's academics have adopted three measures: the most conservative model is relative price worth (RPW) which measures purchasing power, followed by relative wage or income worth (RWIW) and then finally relative output worth (ROW).For comparison, Edinburgh calculated that the £6,258 it raised in the 1790s to help build a new college building would be worth £955,000 today using the RPW model, £10.9m using the RWIW measure or as much as £78.7m using the ROW Guardian tends to use relative price worth as its main figure, but we have included the other measures for comparison. Similar networks were deployed to fund construction of a new medical school nearly a century later. Between 1873 and 1885, its fundraisers targeted alumni in Britain's colonies, principally India, the Caribbean, where indentured labour remained rife, and Brazil, where slavery was lawful until 1888. Other UK-based donors had also been enriched by slavery or slavery-derived wealth. In all, Buck calculates that £22,600 came from slavery-linked sources and £3,360 from empire-derived wealth, equivalent to 20% of the medical school's fundraising. As well as the many hundreds of one-off donations for those buildings derived from slavery or colonial wealth, the Edinburgh report found 27 specific endowments from donors directly linked to the slave trade and colonial profiteering. They were given to establish professorial chairs in music, agriculture and engineering, or to fund student bursaries, prizes and scholarships. Ten bequests are still active, including Gunning's, which are worth at least £9.4m today, a total that does not factor in the awards paid out over the past two centuries. The sums involved, Buck argues, are an underestimate. The lives of those who were enslaved are largely invisible, but some people have been identified. In 1817, Carpenter Quacco, Nanny Pungy, Phibba and Benneba were among 364 enslaved people registered by Samuel Athill, an Antigua-born medicine alumnus and donor who fought against abolition. There are glimpses of other sources of slavery- or empire-derived funding. Some were directly implicated in enslaving people. During the 1690s, before the union of the Scottish and English parliaments, several professors at the university, its rector and several future donors became investors in the Company of Scotland, a Scottish attempt to create a slavery-based plantation business. Best known for its failed attempt in 1699 to found a colony in Darién, Panama, the Company of Scotland traded in enslaved people and cargo linked to slavery in 1698, 1699, 1701 and 1708 in Madagascar and the Indian Ocean. There were bursaries active at Edinburgh until at least 1971 funded by its investors. According to the report, Edinburgh's town council, which originally owned the university, gave it money raised from taxing slavery-linked ships carrying tobacco, sugar and cotton in the port of Leith. Queen Anne, one of many British monarchs with clear links to transatlantic slavery, funded professorships. Many of the ways in which the university benefited from enslavement are hidden from view, but some are still very visible. Five of Edinburgh's best-known historical buildings were constructed with help from slavery-enriched donors: two former sites of the Royal Infirmary hospital – which was partly run using profits from a Jamaican plantation it owned; the St Cecilia's Hall music collection; the New College, built on the Mound by the Free Church of Scotland, and the Edinburgh College of Art. And the university's accountants were shrewd investors. Buck has discovered its slavery-derived wealth was invested in numerous Scottish Highland estates, war bonds, railway companies and colonial government bonds between 1896 and 1946. Limited time made it impossible to calculate how much profit those investments generated.