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'Hindi should be taught from Class 5, not Class 1 in Maharashtra schools': Ajit Pawar

'Hindi should be taught from Class 5, not Class 1 in Maharashtra schools': Ajit Pawar

Hindustan Times4 hours ago

Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar has opposed the move to introduce Hindi as a third language from Class 1 in the schools of the state, and said it should instead be taught from Class 5. NCP chief and deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar (Hindustan Times/File)
Speaking to reporters in Mumbai on Tuesday, Pawar also said students should learn Marathi from Class 1 so that they are able to read and write it well.
The state government last week issued an amended order, stating Hindi will generally be taught as the third language to students in Marathi and English medium schools from Classes 1 to 5, which triggered a controversy.
The government maintained that Hindi would not be compulsory, but mandated the consent of at least 20 students per grade in a school for studying any Indian language other than Hindi.
Speaking on the issue, Pawar said, "The chief minister convened a meeting on the issue yesterday (Monday). I believe Hindi should not be introduced from Class 1 to 4. It should begin from Class 5. Students should learn Marathi from Class 1 and be able to read and write it fluently."
He added that while no one is against the teaching of any particular language, it is inappropriate to burden young students with an additional language at an early stage.
Following the meeting in Mumbai, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis had said a final decision on the three-language formula would be taken only after consultations with all stakeholders, including litterateurs, language experts and political leaders. Meanwhile, actor Sayaji Shinde also voiced his opposition to teaching Hindi from Class 1.
"Students should be allowed to learn Marathi, which is a very rich language. They should become well-versed in Marathi at an early age, and not be burdened with another language. If at all it is to be made compulsory, let it be after Class 5," he said.
Shinde, who has acted in several Marathi, Hindi, Tamil, Telugu and other regional language films, also demanded that the decision on introducing a third language be withdrawn.

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The political culture shift The Emergency also shaped Indian political culture, for good and bad. Indira Gandhi's 'high command' culture was already visible before 1975, but the Emergency marked the high point of centralized and authoritarian rule in India. It changed the incentives for those within the Congress. It was no longer enough to have been a freedom fighter or a Gandhian or even a Nehruvian. Unless one was a Indira sycophant, with complete loyalty to one person and her son, Sanjay, the driver of the Emergency, there was no future in the party. The period also showed how authoritarianism could persist without a major public backlash, especially when dissent was chained. Do note that Indira Gandhi called elections not because of external pressure but her own internal voice and assessment. All of these patterns -- of political parties turning to family fiefdoms, of political leaders centralizing all authority, of political authoritarianism going unchecked — would only grow in subsequent decades in different forms, even if the Emergency itself was not imposed again. And the reason no regime has dared impose an Emergency again is because this also marked the golden period of dissent. Thousands went to prisons. New solidarities were formed. New civil liberties organizations took roots. Gutsy journalists found new ways to communicate news of the demise of democracy to readers. A quiet churn happened beneath the calm. And eventually, the 1977 elections saw the defeat of Indira, the first time that the Congress was defeated since the first election in 1951, and the first time India would get to see a non-Congress coalition formation in power. This too showed something fundamental — and fundamentally heartening — about the resilience of Indian democracy. In a society as large, as diverse, as chaotic, citizens would not accept rule by fiat from the Centre, where order was prioritized at the cost of freedom and justice. Alignments and leadership But the most visible impact of the Emergency was in the nature of political alignments itself and the emergence of a new generation of leaders. Resistance to Indira had brought socialists and the Sangh together in the run-up to the Emergency itself. This was not new in itself, for these ideologically diverse formations had formed coalition governments in 1967. Jayaprakash Narayan's towering leadership was the glue as student movements arose in Bihar and Gujarat. But the Emergency created new bonds between those who were at the forefront of the cultural battles for Hindutva and those who were at the forefront of the social justice battles on the caste and class axis. Time spent together in movements and in prisons helped. For now, they had one common adversary: Indira's Congress. 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For socialists to accept Jana Sangh colleagues may have been equally difficult, but it also meant access to the RSS's formidable organizational machinery and base that proved to be indispensable. The anti-Emergency struggle and the formation of the Janata revealed something that has persisted in Indian politics. When one force becomes dominant, ideologically disparate formations come together often to oppose it to introduce a balance in the polity. The Janata's surprise win was the biggest electoral surprise in Indian history, leading to Morarji Desai's elevation as the PM. And its biggest achievement was in restoring Indian democracy and constitutionalism. This was a formidable achievement in itself, which is not recognised adequately because of the short-lived nature of the Janata experiment. Internal factionalism and competing ambitions and egos marked the functioning of the party. This was often couched as ideological differences, with a strong push against 'dual membership' of those who had belonged to the Jana Sangh and owed their loyalty to the RSS but also were Janata leaders. Eventually, Indira Gandhi succeeded in playing on these internal rifts, propped up Charan Singh briefly as PM, before pulling the rug and returning to power in the next election. This too has been a recurring phenomena, of coalitions formed against one party unable to sustain positive governance and political programmes and overcome internal squabbles. But in this short period itself, from 1975 to 1977, think of the leaders who emerged. Narendra Modi cut his teeth in anti-Emergency politics. Arun Jaitley was Delhi University Student Union's star president who took on the regime. Lalu Prasad was the young rooted leader from Bihar, as were his friends turned foes, Sushil Modi and Nitish Kumar. Ram Vilas Paswan got elected to the Lok Sabha from Hajipur with a record margin, even as Sharad Yadav came to Parliament from Jabalpur. From DP Tripathi to Subramanian Swamy, leaders from the Left and Right stood up for political liberty and democracy. The fact that these leaders then went on to shape Indian politics in decisive ways and some continue to dominate it is a result of the Emergency. Indira Gandhi, triggered by an adverse judicial verdict and prodded on by her over-ambitious and entitled son, betrayed her party and her father's legacy as she trampled on Indian democracy that fateful night on June 25, 1975. But little would she have known that her midnight proclamation would reshape India's State-citizen relationship, political culture, political alignments and political leadership in such fundamental ways that it continues to define India fifty years later. That is the political legacy of the Emergency.

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