
Israeli military tracked two projectiles from Gaza into Israel
The Israeli military earlier said that two projectiles were probably launched from Gaza and crossed into Israel.
Interception attempts were made, results of which are under review, the military said.

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Sky News
3 hours ago
- Sky News
A father criticised the use of airdrops in Gaza. Five days later, he was killed by a falling pallet
Why you can trust Sky News Five days before he was killed by a falling aid package, father-of-two Uday al Qaraan called on world leaders to open Gaza's borders to food - and criticised the use of airdrops. "This isn't aid delivery," said the 32-year-old medic as a crowd of children rummaged through the remains of an airdrop behind him. "This is humiliation." Using footage from social media, satellite imagery, eyewitness testimony and flight tracking data, Sky News has examined the dangers posed by airdrops - and just how little difference they are making to Gaza's hunger crisis. A tangled parachute and a crowd in chaos Based on six videos of the airdrop that killed Uday, we were able to locate the incident to a tent camp on the coast of central Gaza. We determined that the drop occurred at approximately 11.50am on 4 August, based on metadata from these videos shared by three eyewitnesses. Flight tracking data shows that only one aid plane, a UAE Armed Forces C-130 Hercules, was in the area at that time. Footage from the ground shows 12 pallets falling from the plane. The four lowest parachutes soon become tangled, and begin to fall in pairs. As a crowd surges towards the landing zone, a gunshot rings out. Nine more follow over a 90-second period. Sakhr al Qaraan, an eyewitness and Uday's neighbour, says that Uday was among those running after the first pallet to land. "He didn't see the other pallet it was tangled up with, and it fell on him moments later," says Sakhr. "People ran to collect the aid in cold blood, devoid of humanity, and he suffocated under that damned blanket - under the feet of people who had lost all humanity." The scene descended into chaos as Palestinians, some armed, tussled over the limited food available. By the time Uday was pulled from the crowd and rushed to hospital, it was too late. The UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not respond to a request for comment. Parachutes failed in half of airdrops analysed This was not the first time that airdrops at this location had posed a threat to those on the ground. The day before Uday was killed, the same plane had dropped aid over the site. The footage below, shared by the UAE Armed Forces, shows the view from inside the plane. Just before the footage ends, it shows that one of the parachutes was broken. Hisham al Armi recorded the scene from the ground. His video shows the broken parachute, as well as another that had failed completely. Military planes dropped aid at the site on eight consecutive days between 30 July and 6 August. Sky News verified footage showing parachute failures during four of those eight airdrops. Flight tracking data shows that almost all of the 67 aid flights over that period followed a similar route along the coast, which is densely packed with tent camps. An Israel Defence Forces (IDF) official told Sky News that the airdrops are routed along the coast, because this is where much of Gaza's population is now concentrated. An IDF spokesperson added the Israeli military "takes all possible measures to mitigate the harm to uninvolved civilians". Hisham al Armi told Sky News he is grateful to the countries that donated the aid, but "the negatives outweigh the positives". "Fighting occurs when aid is dropped, and some people are killed ... due to the crush and parachutes." Other dangers are also posed by the airdrops. The footage below, taken on 29 July, shows Palestinians venturing into the sea in order to chase aid that had drifted over the water. The IDF has banned Palestinians from entering the sea. One woman, a relative of Uday who witnessed his death, described the airdrops as the "airborne humiliation of the people". "There is not enough aid for them," she said. "It creates problems among the people, and some are killed just to obtain a little aid. And most people don't receive any aid, they remain hungry for days." Between 27 July and 1 August, Gaza received an estimated 1,505 tonnes of food aid per day via land routes - 533 tonnes short of what the UN's food security agency says is needed to meet basic needs. Based on flight tracking data, we estimated that airdrops added just 38 tonnes daily, 7% of the shortfall. "The quantities involved are minuscule in terms of the scale of the need," says Sam Rose, Gaza director of UNRWA, the UN agency previously responsible for distributing food in the territory. UNRWA claims it has enough food stationed outside of Gaza to feed the population for three months, but that Israel has not allowed the agency to bring in any food since 2 March. "We should be dealing with that rather than introducing something else which is costly, dangerous, undignified and somehow legitimises ... the access regime by suggesting that we found a way round it through airdrops," Rose says. COGAT, the Israeli agency responsible for coordinating aid deliveries, referred Sky News to a statement in which it said there is "no limit on the amount of aid" allowed into Gaza. An IDF spokesperson also denied restricting aid, and said the Israeli military "will continue to work in order to improve the humanitarian response in the Gaza Strip, along with the international community". In his interview five days before he was killed, Uday al Qaraan appealed to world leaders to open Gaza's borders. "What would happen if they just let the aid in?" he asked. "If you can fly planes and drop aid from the sky then you can break the siege, you can open a land crossing."


The Guardian
3 hours ago
- The Guardian
How German media outlets helped pave the way for Israel's murder of journalists in Gaza
What is the role of journalism when Palestinian reporters are treated as criminals and left to die? Last October, I spoke with the journalist Hossam Shabat. He described families packing what little they had left in northern Gaza as Israel began implementing its 'generals' plan'. Six months later, Shabat was dead – killed by Israel, accused of being a Hamas operative. Israel does not try to hide these killings. Instead, it often smears its victims in advance – branding journalists as 'terrorists', accusations that are rarely substantiated. These labels serve a clear cause: to strip reporters of their civilian status and make their killing appear morally acceptable. Journalists are not legitimate targets. Killing them is a war crime. The latest round shook the world: five Al Jazeera journalists were assassinated in a press tent in Gaza City, among them Anas al-Sharif, whose face had become familiar to anyone following Gaza up close. Both the UN and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) had warned that al-Sharif's life was in danger. Weeks later, he was dead. Meanwhile, a growing consensus recognises Gaza as the site of a livestreamed genocide. Yet in Germany – a country that prides itself on having learned the lessons of its own genocidal history – some of the most powerful media institutions have played a part in enabling Israel's actions. Some German journalists have even justified the killing of their Palestinian colleagues. The clearest example is Axel Springer, Europe's largest publisher and owner of Bild, Germany's biggest newspaper. Hours after the killing of al-Sharif became public, Bild splashed his image under this headline: 'Terrorist disguised as journalist killed in Gaza' (which was later changed to 'Journalist killed was allegedly a terrorist'). Let that sink in. About a week before, Bild had published another piece: 'This Gaza photographer stages Hamas propaganda.' The article targeted the Palestinian photographer Anas Zayed Fteiha, accusing him of staging images of starving Palestinians as part of a Hamas campaign, despite the evidence that the subjects of the photos were indeed starving and waiting for food. In the article, Fteiha's title as journalist appeared in quotation marks, implying he wasn't a real journalist, and that images of starvation were exaggerated fabrications. The Bild story – along with a similar piece in the liberal Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) – was swiftly amplified on X by Israel's foreign ministry, which cited them as proof that Hamas manipulates global opinion. Fteiha was branded an 'Israel- and Jew-hater' serving Hamas. The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation quickly piled on, joined by rightwing influencers. In this case, German media had become a direct pipeline for Israeli talking points, quickly recycled into the international arena and repackaged as 'evidence'. Fteiha said in response: 'I don't create suffering. I document it.' Calling his work 'Hamas propaganda', he continued, 'is a felony against the press itself'. Just days before the Bild and SZ articles were published, one of Germany's largest journalists' associations, Deutscher Journalisten-Verband (DJV), issued a statement warning of 'manipulation' in press photography. It specifically cast doubt on images showing emaciated children in Gaza, claiming their condition 'apparently is not attributable to the famine in Gaza'. The DJV offered no evidence for this claim – largely because no such evidence exists. Facing backlash online, the association cited a July article in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, whose author had speculated whether images of emaciated infants were really the result of starvation – or rather of preexisting conditions such as cystic fibrosis. The piece suggested that publications had been either negligent or manipulative in publishing these photos without further detail. Omitted was the fact that hunger and preexisting conditions can't be neatly separated and that no preexisting condition alone could produce such extreme emaciation. Bias isn't new in the German media landscape. At Axel Springer, support for the existence of the state of Israel is second on the list of the company's guiding principles, its so-called essentials. In September last year, Bild helped derail ceasefire negotiations by publishing an 'exclusive' report – excerpts from a Hamas strategy leaked to Bild by Benjamin Netanyahu's aides. In it, Bild claimed Hamas was 'not aiming for a quick end to the war', which neatly absolved Netanyahu of any responsibility for the breakdown in talks at the time. (In response to queries about the story, a Bild spokesperson told +972 magazine that the publication does not comment on its sources.) As it turned out, the Hamas document had been broadly misrepresented by Bild. The timing couldn't have served Netanyahu better: the story landed as mass protests put pressure on his position. Shortly after the Bild report was published, Netanyahu cited it in a cabinet meeting to cast the demonstrators as pawns of Hamas. The Bild article remains online, uncorrected. The problem, however, extends far beyond Bild and Axel Springer. Across legacy German media, failures to provide fact-based, balanced coverage of Israel and Palestine have been far reaching – and became glaringly obvious after the 7 October attacks. Fabricated claims, such as that Hamas had beheaded 40 babies, along with various other pieces of deliberate misinformation, remain uncorrected. Outlets across the political spectrum in Germany routinely omit historical context, frame Palestinian deaths in passive, depoliticised terms, and display a near-blind faith in Israeli military 'verification' – while ignoring a well-documented record of misinformation by Israeli state sources. In January, the ostensibly leftwing Die Tageszeitung ran a piece headlined: 'Can journalists be terrorists?' The article cited the Israeli military four times – and did not quote a single journalist in Gaza. Across the German media landscape, such narratives contribute to stripping Palestinian journalists of credibility, and – in the worst case – handing Israel readymade justifications for targeting them. Germany's 'never again' pledge should carry weight given its deeply genocidal history. Yet it rings hollow when the country's dominant outlets launder or supply propaganda to legitimise mass killing in Gaza. This is not journalism in the service of truth – it is journalism in the service of violence. Breaking this cycle would require a serious reckoning with the editorial cultures and political loyalties that have enabled German journalism to be weaponised in this way. The killing of journalists in Gaza makes one thing painfully clear: Israel does not want a record to be left. When the history of this genocide is written, there will be chapters on the media's role. Germany's section will be uncomfortably large. No one should claim they didn't see it happening. Hanno Hauenstein is a Berlin-based journalist and author. He worked as a senior editor in Berliner Zeitung's culture department, specialising in contemporary art and politics


Scottish Sun
3 hours ago
- Scottish Sun
Bounty of $5m placed on warlord ‘Barbecue' who rules world's most dangerous city with super-gang who burn people alive
Click to share on X/Twitter (Opens in new window) Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window) A MULTI-million dollar bounty has been placed on the head of a warlord who rules over one of the world's most dangerous cities. American prosecutors are offering $5 million for information leading to the arrest of a Haitian gang leader Jimmy Cherizier - better known as "Barbecue". Sign up for Scottish Sun newsletter Sign up 7 Former police officer Jimmy 'Barbecue' Cherizier Credit: Reuters 7 Armed gang members question locals in Haiti's capital of Port-au-Prince 7 Violence in Port-au-Prince has reached unprecedented levels and hundreds of thousands of civilians have been caught in the crossfires 7 The entire capital has been burning amid the civil crisis 7 Thousands of civilians are believed to have been caught in the brutal crossfire Credit: AP The vicious warlord has overseen bloody chaos in the Haitian capital Port-au-Prince, which now often resembles a battlefield. Thousands of civilians are believed to have been caught in the brutal crossfire. There have even been reports of rotting bodies littering the streets of the city as lawlessness runs amok. Cherizier, a former Haitian cop, now leads a gang alliance called Viv Ansanm. read more in world news PEACE PLOT Trump & Putin 'plan West Bank-style occupation of Ukraine' to secure truce This group stands accused of numerous atrocities including murders and kidnappings across the lawless capital. The US if offering a $5 million (£3.7 million) reward for information that leads to Cherizier's arrest. "There's a good reason that there's a $5 million reward for information leading to Cherizier's arrest," US Attorney Jeanine Pirro said. "He's a gang leader responsible for heinous human rights abuses, including violence against American citizens in Haiti." The indictment alleges that he and US citizen Bazile Richardson solicited funds from the Haitian diaspora in the United States. This money was then allegedly used to pay gang members and buy weapons in defiance of US sanctions. Irish woman among nine people kidnapped in horror planned armed gang attack on orphanage in Haiti Richardson was arrested in Texas last month. The pair helped "bankroll Cherizier's violent criminal enterprise, which is driving a security crisis in Haiti", according to Assistant US Attorney General John Eisenberg. He further said US authorities would "continue to pursue those who enable Haiti's violence and instability". Cherizier's nickname Barbecue is rumoured refer to him setting his victims on fire. Under rampant gang brutality, Port-au-Prince is now considered one of the most dangerous cities on the planet. Fighting between gangs, cops and citizen groups has ripped through the city, leaving its infrastructure in tatters. Health services are crumbling and food insecurity has grown increasingly acute throughout Port-au-Prince. A recent attempt by a UN backed Kenyan led security force failed to restore control from the gangs. Haiti was thrown into crisis when President Jovenel Moïse was assassinated by unidentified gunmen in 2021. Who is Barbecue? HAITI'S Port-au-Prince currently lies in the hands of the feared Jimmy "Barbecue Barbecue - who is rumoured to have earned his nickname for setting his victims on fire - envisions himself as a "revolutionary", a self-professed "man of the people". His methods involve the killing, maiming and extorting of anyone unlucky enough to fall within his turf - turning every day into a constant battle for survival for residents. The fired cop turned warlord has been taking to the streets with a renewed vengeance and a plan to overthrow the government. He is currently sanctioned by the UK and its allies for "engaging in acts threatening the peace, security and stability of Haiti". And his influence is fast increasing as the country spirals into further turmoil sparked by the 2021 assassination of the country's Prime Minister Jovenal Moïse. Ever since, a security vacuum opened up and Barbecue has been greedily exploiting it, taking over territory and expanding his coalition with other gangs to wage further war. G9 has also been responsible for repeatedly cutting Haiti off from its much-needed fuel supply by taking its main oil terminal hostage. In a savage display of strength, Barbecue paralysed the country several times by preventing the distribution of food, water and vital medicines, plunging it into a deeper humanitarian crisis. Barbecue's criminal career dates back to his time as a police officer, InSight Crime reports. He participated in an anti-gang operation in 2017, leading to the extrajudicial killing of nine civilians. In 2018, he led a group of seven gangs in a massacre in La Saline, Haiti's worst massacre in over a decade. Barbecue was then fired from the police force and a warrant was issued for his arrest. In 2019, he participated in a four-day attack across Port-au-Prince's Bel-Air neighborhood, killing at least 24 people. 7 A man searches through burning trash in Port-au-Prince