
Homelessness minister must resign over rent hike after tenants' exit, Tories say
Ms Ali's property was then re-listed with a £700 rent increase within weeks, the newspaper said.
Kevin Hollinrake, the Conservative party chairman, called for the minister to stand down, accusing her of 'staggering hypocrisy' over her handling of the rental property.
A spokesperson for the minister said: 'Rushanara takes her responsibilities seriously and complied with all relevant legal requirements.'
The house, rented on a fixed-term contract, was put up for sale while the tenants were living there, and it was only re-listed as a rental because it had not sold, according to the i Paper.
Tory frontbencher Mr Hollinrake said: 'I think it shows staggering hypocrisy. Rushanara Ali has been somebody who's obviously a Government minister in charge of homelessness.
'She's spoken out about exploiting tenants, about providing more protections to tenants.
'You can't say those things, then do the opposite in practice, as a landlord. She's got to resign.'
He said the conduct appeared to be 'unethical, not illegal' but 'we can't just say one thing and do another'.
Kevin Hollinrake, the Conservative chairman, has called for Rushanara Ali to resign (James Manning/PA)
Speaking to the i Paper, Ms Ali's former tenant Laura Jackson said she was one of four tenants who received an email giving four months notice to leave the property, for which they collectively paid £3,300 in rent.
Ms Jackson, a self-employed restaurant owner, said she saw the house re-listed weeks after she and her fellow tenants had left, but with a rent of around £4,000.
The 33-year-old told the i Paper: 'It's an absolute joke. Trying to get that much money from renters is extortion.'
She also said two letting companies managing the property for Ms Ali had attempted to charge £395 in cleaning fees and £2,000 to repaint the house when they left.
The tenants successfully challenged this, as landlords are prohibited from charging tenants for professional cleaning, and from repainting costs unless serious damage has occurred.
A Labour voter, Ms Jackson suggested it was a 'conflict of interest' for MPs to be landlords, especially in their own constituencies.
Ms Jackson declined to comment further when approached by the PA news agency but confirmed the details of the i Paper's story.
The minister's actions have also faced scrutiny from rental rights campaigners, as the Government seeks to clamp down on what it sees as unfair rental practices.
The Renters' Rights Bill includes measures to ban landlords who end a tenancy to sell a property from re-listing it for six months.
The Bill, which is nearing its end stages of scrutiny in Parliament, will also abolish fixed-term tenancies and ensure landlords give four months' notice if they want to sell their property.
Ben Twomey, chief executive of Generation Rent, described the allegations as 'shocking and a wake-up call to Government on the need to push ahead as quickly as possible to improve protections for renters'.
He added: 'It is bad enough when any landlord turfs out their tenant to hike up the rent, or tries their luck with unfair claims on the deposit, but the minister responsible for homelessness knows only too well about the harm caused by this behaviour.
'These allegations highlight common practices that the Government can eradicate.
'The Renters' Rights Bill would ban landlords who evict tenants to sell the property from re-letting it within 12 months, to deter this kind of abuse – but unfortunately members of the House of Lords have voted to reduce this to six months.
'The Government can also use its review of the deposit protection system to penalise landlords who make exaggerated claims at the end of the tenancy.'
Tom Darling, director at the Renters' Reform Coalition, said: 'It's mind-boggling that we have a homelessness minister who has just evicted four people in order to rake in more rent – something that will soon be illegal under the Renters' Rights Bill her own department is bringing through Parliament.
'The Government are currently considering an amendment to the legislation from the House of Lords which reduces the ban on re-letting after eviction from 12 months to six months.
'The Government must remove this amendment, and at the very least minister Ali must recuse herself from any discussions on this within Government.'
Mairi MacRae, director of campaigns and policy at homelessness charity Shelter, said it 'beggars belief that after months of dither and delay, the Government's own homelessness minister has profited from the underhand tactics the Renters' Rights Bill is meant to outlaw'.
Cabinet ministers lined up to defend Ms Ali when questioned about the allegations.
Home Secretary Yvette Cooper, speaking to broadcasters, said: 'I don't know any of the details of this but I understand that she has followed all of the rules in this case.'
Chancellor Rachel Reeves said she 'didn't understand' why the Conservatives were calling for Ms Ali to resign, as she was interviewed in South Wales, saying: 'I don't know the details but Rushanara Ali seems to have done everything in accordance with the law.'

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Glasgow Times
40 minutes ago
- Glasgow Times
More pets to be allowed in military accommodation as ministers cut red tape
Service personnel and their families have previously faced a bureaucratic process to get permission to own a pet if they live in military housing. But from this week they will be allowed to keep up to two dogs, cats or smaller pets without needing permission, with the Ministry of Defence recognising the 'vital role' they play in family life and mental wellbeing. Defence minister Al Carns said: 'As a dog owner and Royal Marine who served for 24 years, much of it in service accommodation, I'm delighted to be making it easier for our dedicated personnel to own family pets.' Other changes introduced this week will see service personnel given more freedom to personalise their accommodation and new, easier processes for their family members to run a business from their home. The changes are part of Defence Secretary John Healey's pledge to 'stop the rot' and improve standards in service accommodation. He said: 'Our armed forces make extraordinary sacrifices to keep us safe every day. 'But for too long, military families have lived in substandard housing without basic consumer rights. 'These new measures are a key milestone as we deliver on our consumer charter to stop the rot in military accommodation and ensure our heroes and their loved ones live in houses they can truly call home.' In April, Mr Healey announced a new 'consumer charter' for service accommodation, including more reliable repairs, a named housing officer for every service family and a higher minimum standard for housing. The Government has also brought 36,000 military homes back into public ownership in an effort to reduce costs and improve standards.


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
My years reporting on Gaza broke me down. Why did it take so long for the world to become outraged?
When I moved to Jerusalem in 2010, the foreign correspondents there offered me some unsettling advice: 'The first year here you'll hate the Israeli government, the second year the Palestinian leadership, by the third you'll hate yourself.' It's best to leave before four, I was told, in the interest of sanity. I nodded along thinking how sadly cynical they were. I would do better than that, I told myself. I did not. I lasted a little under four years in Israel and Palestine. In that time, I reported on forced displacement and punitive bureaucracy (Israel's occupation is expanded through denied permits, home demolitions and revoked ID cards). I wrote about child killings, war crimes and terrorism (perpetrated by both sides). I tried to explain as best I could the annexation of the West Bank and the collective punishment of two million people in Gaza without using forbidden phrases such as apartheid or war crime. I included the necessary balance of voices and opinions. But still, every report of an atrocity in Palestine was met with highly personal accusations of bias. Editors were often twitchy, readers disengaged. After two years of this, a grim reality became clear: people did not want to hear about it. By year three, I had started giving up trying to make them listen and the self-loathing arrived. Cynicism among reporters is a useful cipher for the fear, desperation and impotence that news industry norms do not allow them, but it has a dangerous side-effect: it dulls outrage. Without outrage, crimes such as apartheid, ethnic cleansing and genocide can continue uninterrupted – and they have. Over a decade later, with Gaza's annihilation playing in my social media feed, I have been finishing my first novel, Vulture, for the past two years. It is the story of a reporter, Sara Byrne, trying to make a name for herself amid a war in Gaza. She is a destructive character steeped in cynicism and self-loathing who emerged, in all her surprising unpleasantness, as I tried to resolve my own experience as a journalist covering Palestine. There were nagging doubts and questions I could not shift, like: why have those of us whose job it was to report the atrocities in Palestine been so spectacularly unable to stop them? The action in Vulture is fiction but set within the real time frame of the 2012 war in Gaza, which I covered. I was visiting Gaza City when the Hamas leader Ahmed al-Jabari was assassinated. I arrived at the site of his 'liquidation' within an hour, the burned-out frame of his car still smouldering. I noticed the blood splatters reaching the second floor of surrounding buildings in the writing of my first front page. Israel had launched its Operation Pillar of Defence. Wars were never surprising in Gaza. Since 2006, when the last general election in Palestine paved the way for Hamas to take power and Israel and Egypt to impose their blockade, there has been a regular exchange of rockets fired by Hamas and bombs dropped by the Israeli military. Every few years, Israeli generals declared a military operation to bomb back Hamas infrastructure. Chatting comfortably off the record, retired military people called it 'mowing the grass'. In the 2009 war – 1,400 Palestinians killed, 11,000 homes destroyed, white phosphorus shells dropped on markets and hospitals – Israel had not let foreign journalists into Gaza. In 2012, they did. Most of us stayed at the Al Deira hotel, eating and sleeping next to one another, reporting and filing the same stories. Uniformed staff brought us coffees and french fries as airstrikes threatened their homes and families. Every day, we visited bombed homes and I made notes: smell of cooking gas, kitchen gone little kids playing in rubble find a beetle a crying woman tugging at a buried mattress screams We watched a steady stream of dead and injured arrive at al-Shifa hospital missing limbs and heads, dust-covered children mute and shaking having seen their parents killed. Doctors told us of power and drug shortages. I noted them: no disposables anaesthetics running out, can't do surgeries lots of women and children with amputated limbs, quite clean, bombs do the job for us We went to the funerals of whole families and spoke to mourners who asked us: 'You see anyone here with a gun?' After 10 days of Israel's operation – 167 Palestinians killed, 1,500 targets in Gaza hit, 700 families displaced – a truce was declared. The particular camaraderie you form with your Palestinian colleagues under airstrikes is severed abruptly when they drop you off at the Israeli border; you are thrilled to be driving back to normality, but they are unable to. You'll see them again when the next flare-up in violence brings you back. But when the next war came in 2014, I was already home in London, an editor on the Guardian foreign desk: 50 days of fighting, 2,104 Palestinians killed, 10,000 wounded. News audiences, we heard, were tuning out. The fighting ended, and I left the foreign desk to return to reporting. People looked at me warily when I brought up Palestine again. Was I a weird zealot? Or worse, an activist? I was neither, but outside of activist circles, the 'political complexity' of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict left little appetite for anything other than its most violent escalations or worst humanitarian catastrophes. Cynicism, it turns out, is better company than outrage. So I stopped talking about what I knew was going on over there – the daily humiliations of occupation in the West Bank, the threat of settler terrorism backed by an occupation force, the extraordinary trauma of living a day in Gaza – until I sat down to start work on a novel in 2015 and Palestine poured out. I was drawn straight back to the Al Deira hotel, reimagined as The Beach. I found myself telling this huge, indigestible tragedy in small, messy, blackly funny, heartbreaking, angry human stories. It was a relief, describing freely the Gaza I knew. By 7 October 2023, I had left the Guardian. I watched news of the Hamas terror attack devastated and sickened, then gripped with cold dread for what would follow in Gaza. Like anyone who had covered the place for any length of time, I had seen what was coming rehearsed for decades. Those nagging questions became urgent: had I done everything I could to warn this was coming? No. Did that make me complicit? Maybe. Israel has not allowed foreign press into Gaza for this war. Our understanding of what is happening there comes from the Palestinian journalists living it and they are being killed in extraordinary numbers (176, a 10% mortality rate), their newsrooms obliterated along with their families and homes. The ones who remain are starving. Their reporting is not balanced, it is personal and outraged. A year before Israeli forces killed him on 24 March, local journalist Hossam Shabat told his 175,000 X followers: 'The biggest problem is not Western journalists being unable to enter, but the fact that Western media doesn't respect and value Palestinian journalists … No one knows Gaza like we do, and no one understands the complexity of the situation like we do. If you care about what's happening in Gaza, you should amplify Palestinian voices.' His message stung deeply. It clarified the discomfort I had felt as an unnecessary interlocutor between western readers and Gaza's tragedy, raising more questions about my work there. Western journalists reporting from Palestine did not stop the atrocities because we believed that was not our job, we were there to bear witness. Maintaining our impartiality is crucial if we are to be trusted. But were we not also meant to hold power to account? If we had condemned the US and Europe-backed power we knew was perpetrating these atrocities with the conviction and outrage they deserved, would 60,000 people still have been killed in 21 months? As Vulture lands on bookshelves in the US, UN experts have confirmed that famine is under way in the Gaza Strip. Starving people are being gunned down at food distribution sites. Its hospitals have been bombed, doctors and their families killed. The electricity has been cut off. Our Palestinian colleagues are being murdered in staggering numbers and western journalists say it is not on them to name the genocide. Yet fiction writers do. In the interest of balance, the BBC has decided not to air its documentary about doctors in Gaza. Until this week, when even Donald Trump was forced to acknowledge 'real starvation', a friend working in television news told me a new verb had emerged: to Gaza a story, meaning to downgrade its editorial importance. Finally, it seems the forbidden words are being named – genocide, famine, statehood – and our leaders may act to do something about them. But our outrage has come much too late. Why did we wait? Our wary silence abetted the tragedy in Gaza. Our cynicism allowed for the defining horror of a generation. Vulture by Phoebe Greenwood is out 12 August 2025 on Europa Editions


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
My years reporting on Gaza broke me down. Why did it take so long for the world to become outraged?
When I moved to Jerusalem in 2010, the foreign correspondents there offered me some unsettling advice: 'The first year here you'll hate the Israeli government, the second year the Palestinian leadership, by the third you'll hate yourself.' It's best to leave before four, I was told, in the interest of sanity. I nodded along thinking how sadly cynical they were. I would do better than that, I told myself. I did not. I lasted a little under four years in Israel and Palestine. In that time, I reported on forced displacement and punitive bureaucracy (Israel's occupation is expanded through denied permits, home demolitions and revoked ID cards). I wrote about child killings, war crimes and terrorism (perpetrated by both sides). I tried to explain as best I could the annexation of the West Bank and the collective punishment of two million people in Gaza without using forbidden phrases such as apartheid or war crime. I included the necessary balance of voices and opinions. But still, every report of an atrocity in Palestine was met with highly personal accusations of bias. Editors were often twitchy, readers disengaged. After two years of this, a grim reality became clear: people did not want to hear about it. By year three, I had started giving up trying to make them listen and the self-loathing arrived. Cynicism among reporters is a useful cipher for the fear, desperation and impotence that news industry norms do not allow them, but it has a dangerous side-effect: it dulls outrage. Without outrage, crimes such as apartheid, ethnic cleansing and genocide can continue uninterrupted – and they have. Over a decade later, with Gaza's annihilation playing in my social media feed, I have been finishing my first novel, Vulture, for the past two years. It is the story of a reporter, Sara Byrne, trying to make a name for herself amid a war in Gaza. She is a destructive character steeped in cynicism and self-loathing who emerged, in all her surprising unpleasantness, as I tried to resolve my own experience as a journalist covering Palestine. There were nagging doubts and questions I could not shift, like: why have those of us whose job it was to report the atrocities in Palestine been so spectacularly unable to stop them? The action in Vulture is fiction but set within the real time frame of the 2012 war in Gaza, which I covered. I was visiting Gaza City when the Hamas leader Ahmed al-Jabari was assassinated. I arrived at the site of his 'liquidation' within an hour, the burned-out frame of his car still smouldering. I noticed the blood splatters reaching the second floor of surrounding buildings in the writing of my first front page. Israel had launched its Operation Pillar of Defence. Wars were never surprising in Gaza. Since 2006, when the last general election in Palestine paved the way for Hamas to take power and Israel and Egypt to impose their blockade, there has been a regular exchange of rockets fired by Hamas and bombs dropped by the Israeli military. Every few years, Israeli generals declared a military operation to bomb back Hamas infrastructure. Chatting comfortably off the record, retired military people called it 'mowing the grass'. In the 2009 war – 1,400 Palestinians killed, 11,000 homes destroyed, white phosphorus shells dropped on markets and hospitals – Israel had not let foreign journalists into Gaza. In 2012, they did. Most of us stayed at the Al Deira hotel, eating and sleeping next to one another, reporting and filing the same stories. Uniformed staff brought us coffees and french fries as airstrikes threatened their homes and families. Every day, we visited bombed homes and I made notes: smell of cooking gas, kitchen gone little kids playing in rubble find a beetle a crying woman tugging at a buried mattress screams We watched a steady stream of dead and injured arrive at al-Shifa hospital missing limbs and heads, dust-covered children mute and shaking having seen their parents killed. Doctors told us of power and drug shortages. I noted them: no disposables anaesthetics running out, can't do surgeries lots of women and children with amputated limbs, quite clean, bombs do the job for us We went to the funerals of whole families and spoke to mourners who asked us: 'You see anyone here with a gun?' After 10 days of Israel's operation – 167 Palestinians killed, 1,500 targets in Gaza hit, 700 families displaced – a truce was declared. The particular camaraderie you form with your Palestinian colleagues under airstrikes is severed abruptly when they drop you off at the Israeli border; you are thrilled to be driving back to normality, but they are unable to. You'll see them again when the next flare-up in violence brings you back. But when the next war came in 2014, I was already home in London, an editor on the Guardian foreign desk: 50 days of fighting, 2,104 Palestinians killed, 10,000 wounded. News audiences, we heard, were tuning out. The fighting ended, and I left the foreign desk to return to reporting. People looked at me warily when I brought up Palestine again. Was I a weird zealot? Or worse, an activist? I was neither, but outside of activist circles, the 'political complexity' of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict left little appetite for anything other than its most violent escalations or worst humanitarian catastrophes. Cynicism, it turns out, is better company than outrage. So I stopped talking about what I knew was going on over there – the daily humiliations of occupation in the West Bank, the threat of settler terrorism backed by an occupation force, the extraordinary trauma of living a day in Gaza – until I sat down to start work on a novel in 2015 and Palestine poured out. I was drawn straight back to the Al Deira hotel, reimagined as The Beach. I found myself telling this huge, indigestible tragedy in small, messy, blackly funny, heartbreaking, angry human stories. It was a relief, describing freely the Gaza I knew. By 7 October 2023, I had left the Guardian. I watched news of the Hamas terror attack devastated and sickened, then gripped with cold dread for what would follow in Gaza. Like anyone who had covered the place for any length of time, I had seen what was coming rehearsed for decades. Those nagging questions became urgent: had I done everything I could to warn this was coming? No. Did that make me complicit? Maybe. Israel has not allowed foreign press into Gaza for this war. Our understanding of what is happening there comes from the Palestinian journalists living it and they are being killed in extraordinary numbers (176, a 10% mortality rate), their newsrooms obliterated along with their families and homes. The ones who remain are starving. Their reporting is not balanced, it is personal and outraged. A year before Israeli forces killed him on 24 March, local journalist Hossam Shabat told his 175,000 X followers: 'The biggest problem is not Western journalists being unable to enter, but the fact that Western media doesn't respect and value Palestinian journalists … No one knows Gaza like we do, and no one understands the complexity of the situation like we do. If you care about what's happening in Gaza, you should amplify Palestinian voices.' His message stung deeply. It clarified the discomfort I had felt as an unnecessary interlocutor between western readers and Gaza's tragedy, raising more questions about my work there. Western journalists reporting from Palestine did not stop the atrocities because we believed that was not our job, we were there to bear witness. Maintaining our impartiality is crucial if we are to be trusted. But were we not also meant to hold power to account? If we had condemned the US and Europe-backed power we knew was perpetrating these atrocities with the conviction and outrage they deserved, would 60,000 people still have been killed in 21 months? As Vulture lands on bookshelves in the US, UN experts have confirmed that famine is under way in the Gaza Strip. Starving people are being gunned down at food distribution sites. Its hospitals have been bombed, doctors and their families killed. The electricity has been cut off. Our Palestinian colleagues are being murdered in staggering numbers and western journalists say it is not on them to name the genocide. Yet fiction writers do. In the interest of balance, the BBC has decided not to air its documentary about doctors in Gaza. Until this week, when even Donald Trump was forced to acknowledge 'real starvation', a friend working in television news told me a new verb had emerged: to Gaza a story, meaning to downgrade its editorial importance. Finally, it seems the forbidden words are being named – genocide, famine, statehood – and our leaders may act to do something about them. But our outrage has come much too late. Why did we wait? Our wary silence abetted the tragedy in Gaza. Our cynicism allowed for the defining horror of a generation. Vulture by Phoebe Greenwood is out 12 August 2025 on Europa Editions