Martyrdom of citizens: CJP, SC judges hold condolence session
ISLAMABAD: Chief Justice of Pakistan Yahya Afridi along with all the judges of the Supreme Court of Pakistan held a formal condolence session to express profound grief over the martyrdom of innocent Pakistani citizens in a brutal and unprovoked attack by the Indian Army.
The judges offered Fateha for the departed souls. They extended their heartfelt condolences and deep sympathies to the bereaved families, acknowledging the profound pain and sorrow caused by this inhumane aggression.
They prayed to Almighty Allah to shower His infinite mercy upon the martyrs, elevate their ranks in the hereafter, and grant strength and patience to their families to endure this tragic and irreparable loss with courage and dignity.
The Supreme Court of Pakistan stands in solidarity with the affected families and the nation, reaffirming its unwavering commitment to justice, human dignity, and the protection and sanctity of innocent lives.
Meanwhile, Supreme Court Bar Association of Pakistan (SCBAP) led by its President Mian Muhammad Rauf Atta and the 27th Cabinet staged a protest walk from Supreme Court of Pakistan building Islamabad to Parliament House (Constitution Avenue) against Indian unwarranted aggression and recent territorial violations, including drone incursions.
A large number of members participated to condemn these actions, calling them clear breaches of international law and bilateral agreements like the Indus Waters Treaty.
Protesters expressed full support for the Armed Forces and showed readiness to stand united in defence of the country. They demanded a strong and appropriate response to the provocation, emphasising the nation's right to safeguard its sovereignty.
In this regard, the association supports and endorses the call issued by the Pakistan Bar Council to the entire legal fraternity to observe a countrywide strike on May 09, 2025 (Friday) and to stage peaceful protests, sit-ins, pass condemnation resolutions to protest unwarranted aggression, show solidarity with the armed forces and with the families of martyrs and those who got injured.
Copyright Business Recorder, 2025
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Express Tribune
an hour ago
- Express Tribune
SC demands vehicle seizure records
A three-member bench of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, comprising Justice Musarrat Hilali, Justice Shakeel Ahmed, and Justice Ishtiaq Ibrahim, has directed the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Police to submit a complete record of all vehicles held in their warehouses as case property. During the hearing, Justice Musarrat Hilali questioned how police officers were using these case vehicles, remarking, "Why are only low-ranking officers held accountable? Why don't you take action against senior officials? Until high-ranking officers are held responsible, these issues will not be resolved." Justice Ishtiaq Ibrahim added, "This situation will not improve until at least one officer is removed from service." Justice Shakeel Ahmed also expressed dismay, saying, "If not for yourselves, then have mercy on this country. How long will such illegal practices continue?" The court instructed the K-P Advocate General to present the full list of vehicles currently stored by the police, including details on which vehicles are linked to which cases, and under what legal provision police officials are authorized to use them. The report is to be submitted by Thursday. These observations were made during the hearing of a petition filed by a local Imran Khan, seeking the return of a vehiclea 2010 Toyota GLibelonging to him. His counsel, Anjum Durrani, informed the court that the vehicle has been in the custody of Chamkani Police since 2020 and is now allegedly being used by a retired police officer.
Express Tribune
2 hours ago
- Express Tribune
India, ISKP and BLA: Pakistan's multi-front security challenge
The writer is a public policy analyst based in Lahore. She can be reached at durdananajam1@ Listen to article In recent years, Pakistan has grappled with an evolving security landscape marked by a resurgence of terrorism and foreign interference. From the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) to the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), and with India's Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) allegedly backing these elements, the threats are no longer isolated. They form part of a broader, transnational effort to undermine Pakistan's internal cohesion, divert its strategic focus and erode its sovereignty. At the heart of these challenges lies a sophisticated matrix of proxy warfare, disinformation campaigns and ideological subversion, designed to weaken Pakistan's state apparatus and inflame ethnic and sectarian divisions. Pakistan's commitment to countering terrorism has been evident in recent counter-intelligence successes. The arrest of an ISKP recruiter in coordination with Turkey's National Intelligence Organization (MIT) signals a proactive approach to dismantling terror networks. However, gains like these are frequently offset by persistent external interference. RAW's support to insurgent groups such as the BLA and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) reportedly extends beyond financial and logistical assistance. It includes strategic disinformation campaigns aimed at fostering mistrust within Pakistani society and delegitimising state institutions. By exploiting regional grievances — particularly in Balochistan and former tribal areas — these actors seek to provoke unrest and delegitimise constitutional authority. Such asymmetric tactics are not unique, but the scale and precision of their execution suggest a long-term strategy to destabilise Pakistan from within. The manipulation of nationalist sentiments and radical religious narratives is central to this objective, positioning Pakistan as a battleground for ideological and geopolitical contests. While ideological differences exist between groups like ISKP and BLA, they converge on one objective: undermining the Pakistani state. Rivalries between such factions may occasionally result in infighting, but their collective impact remains deeply destabilising. These groups exploit porous borders, weak governance in remote regions and access to digital platforms to sustain their operations. The fragmentation of these networks does not reduce the threat; instead, it signals a dangerous adaptability. Their volatility, combined with the external backing they receive, fuels a cycle of violence with repercussions far beyond Pakistan's borders. The result is not only domestic insecurity but also a regional spillover — disrupted trade routes, refugee inflows and diminished prospects for regional cooperation. The persistence of such conditions limits Pakistan's ability to assert itself diplomatically and economically within South Asia. Pakistan faces an existential threat, not merely through armed incursions or terrorist attacks but through strategic hybrid warfare. The tools of this conflict are disinformation, cyber subversion and proxy militancy — each aimed at fragmenting Pakistan's national identity and weakening its institutions. This multi-pronged approach serves broader geopolitical aims: to contain Pakistan's strategic outreach, curtail its role in regional diplomacy and deter foreign investment. The cost is not only economic — it is societal, institutional and psychological. A state that must perpetually defend its legitimacy at home finds it difficult to project influence abroad. Addressing these complex challenges requires more than tactical responses. While intelligence coordination and counter-terrorism operations remain crucial, the broader strategy must be structural, long-term and rooted in resilience. First, Pakistan must continue to modernise its security and intelligence infrastructure. This includes enhanced cyber surveillance, predictive analytics and robust counter-disinformation architecture. Investment in these capabilities would strengthen the state's ability to detect, deter and disrupt both internal threats and foreign interference. Second, a sustained policy of regional engagement is essential. While strategic competition with India may persist, Pakistan must continue building alliances with regional actors — particularly those with shared concerns about terrorism and cyber threats. Intelligence sharing, joint operations and diplomatic convergence, such as seen with Turkey and China, offer a pathway to collective security. Third, internal consolidation is paramount. Socio-economic disparities, especially in regions like Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, continue to serve as recruitment grounds for extremist groups. Development, however, must be matched with political inclusion, institutional reform and restoration of state legitimacy through accountable governance. Lastly, the narrative domain must not be ceded. Pakistan must invest in strategic communication — amplifying voices of national unity, countering propaganda and promoting critical media literacy. Civil society, academic institutions and religious leaders all have roles to play in rebuilding a national consensus rooted in pluralism and constitutionalism. Pakistan's security dilemma is no longer confined to its borders. The instability it faces is both a consequence and a driver of wider regional volatility. If left unaddressed, the current trajectory could precipitate broader strategic disorder across South Asia. By consolidating internal strength, refining external partnerships and investing in long-term social resilience, Pakistan can reposition itself not merely as a state under siege but as a proactive agent of regional stability — one that places sovereignty at the centre, balances coercive capability with socio-political outreach and embeds national security within a framework of regional cooperation.
Express Tribune
2 hours ago
- Express Tribune
Military notes of Indo-Pak conflict — the rundown
The writer is a retired major general and has an interest in International Relations and Political Sociology. He can be reached at tayyarinam@ and tweets @20_Inam During the last two weeks, in this series, we discussed the perceptual aspects of the recent Indo-Pak standoff, India's doctrinal collapse, the redefined deterrence and the 'Exterior' and 'Interior Maneuvers' by both sides, before and during the hostilities. We continue the debate… This was the first time that India under its supposed 'new normal' used 'cruise' missiles, both the BrahMos version (PJ-10 co-developed with Russia) as well as the European SCALP-EG targeting Pakistan proper. Pakistan also retaliated for the first time, employing its conventionally armed short-range Fatah-I and Fatah-II series of 'ballistic' missiles and other types. This was also the first time that RPVs (drones) were used with the intent of causing damage to the other side, in addition to reconnaissance and intelligence-collection roles. This was also the first time that strategic instability in South Asia was linked internationally to the unresolved Jammu and Kashmir dispute and not terrorism per se. Let us quickly recapture the timelines from April 22 to May 22, 2025. In run up to the crisis, on April 22, five militants killed 26 civilian tourists in Pahalgam, Jammu & Kashmir, including one Nepali national, leading to Indian finger pointing towards Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) groups. On April 23, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty, closed Attari–Wagah border crossing, expelled Pakistan's military diplomats, reduced Pakistan's diplomatic staff and cancelled SAARC visas for Pakistani nationals. From April 23–30 border skirmishes took place. On April 24, Pakistan condemned the Pahalgam attack and termed India's response as 'unilateral'; and retaliated by cancelling Indian visas, evacuating Indian nationals, closing its airspace to Indian aircraft, halting all trade and warning India against diverting Indus water, calling it an act of war. On April 25, India initiated ceasefire violations across the LoC. National Security Committee (NSC) met in Pakistan on April 26. Iran stepped forward with an offer to mediate. And on April 30, India banned its airspace to Pakistan, and IAF intruded into Pakistani airspace. Escalation and military preparations took place during May 1–6. US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, after some initial ambivalence, 'expected' to speak with both foreign ministers on May 1. On May 3, Pakistan successfully test-fired its short-range Abdali ballistic missile. India escalated by cutting off all mail and trade links with Pakistan, banning Pakistani vessels from its ports and warned Pakistani ships against entering the Indian waters. On May 4, India stopped downflow from Baglihar dam on River Chenab. On May 6, Pakistan shot down 29 Indian drones near the LoC and in Punjab. And Iran's FM visited Pakistan proposing mediation. In the military operations (May 7–10), India launched 'Operation Sindoor', on May 7, conducting missile strikes on nine sites in Pakistan (Bahawalpur, Muridke, Gulpur, Bhimber, Chak Amru, Bagh, Kotli, Sialkot and Muzaffarabad). On May 10, IAF attacked eight major Pakistani air bases, including Nur Khan base in Rawalpindi. Pakistan, early on May 10, retaliated with Operation 'Bunyan-un-Marsoos', launching missile and drone combo on 26 military targets across India, and in the Indian-occupied Kashmir. It also launched another wave of swarm drones, loitering munitions and Fatah missiles targeting 26 locations along India's western border. On the same day (May 10), the Saudi FM called for de-escalation, Secretary of State Rubio spoke with both PMs and NSAs, urging restraint. Pakistan's DGMO reached out to the Indian side for direct military-level communications. President Trump mediated the ceasefire and announced it on X. On May 11, Pakistan claimed victory against India. Both sides subsequently conducted propaganda offensive through aggressive diplomacy by sending delegations to global capitals. In between the above compressed timeline, a lot went through. The Indian attacks, as per information available through open sources, were 'supposedly calibrated' during May 8 and early on May 9, whereas the wider attacks during May 9-10, still 'presumably' calibrated, were dangerously escalatory, as these were aimed at Pakistan's SEAD (suppression of enemy air defences) systems, after IAF having lost aircraft on May 7. It was sometimes on the morning of May 9 (the US time and evening in India/Pakistan), that the US received unspecified, new but 'alarming intelligence' about dangerous escalation between both sides, as reported by CNN and corroborated by The New York Times. The US worries emerged before the dramatic escalation during the night of May 9-10, but no source has actually 'identified' those worries. The 'speculation' is that Washington observing Pakistan's launch of short-range Fatah-I and -II ballistic missiles and others for the first time during May 9-10 night got aggressively involved. Islamabad's stockpile of tactical nuclear arsenal and Indian thinking of continuing a conventional war of punitive retribution provided a background to it. Some analysts also attribute it to Pakistan's deft diplomacy, signalling to and drawing on the US interlocution, spurred by 'readiness changes in Pakistan's stockpiles', besides the announced meeting of Pakistan's National Command Authority, that oversees the non-conventional means of war i.e. the nuclear weapons. The DG ISPR had, on May 9, declined calls for de-escalation due to the planned riposte under Pakistan's 'quid-pro-quo plus' strategy, to equalise losses caused by the Indian attacks. India later struck Nur Khan airbase around 2:30 am on May 10. This attack was meant to 'strike where it would hurt', to quote the Indian Director-General Air Operations, Air Marshal Bharti. However, that was an escalatory message. The Indian attacks also targeted Rafiqui, Rahim Yar Khan and Sukkur bases during the first wave of strikes, followed by the IAF strikes at Sargodha, Bholari and Jacobabad airbases and some military infrastructure at Murid, Chunian, Arifwala and Pasrur. This was India 'knocking on the nuclear door', and it presumably provided more muscle and lethality to Pakistan's riposte, that was dubbed equally if alarmingly escalatory by Washington. In de-escalation, the predominant view is that the Saudis, the Americans, the Turks and the Qataris rushed to quell India 'not because Pakistan asked, but because Delhi could not stabilize the board…Pakistan had not flinched; it had not folded. It escalated, absorbed and redrew the board'. More on ceasefire exclusively later. Continues…
