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Arab News
29 minutes ago
- Arab News
Afghanistan to send 700 workers to Qatar in first labor deal under Taliban
KABUL: Afghanistan is set to send 700 workers to Qatar under a new agreement marking the first formal deployment abroad since the Taliban takeover in 2021. The Afghan Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs said on Monday that the agreement was reached between a joint public-sector company from Qatar and private employment firms in Afghanistan and the placement process will be supervised by the Afghan government. 'Based on this agreement, an initial 700 job opportunities have been allocated for Afghan workers,' it said. 'The core objective is the legal, safe, and dignified deployment of Afghan workers abroad, with the necessary future support to uphold their rights.' Samiullah Ebrahimi, the ministry's spokesman, told Arab News on Wednesday that the 'registration process will start very soon' and that the government 'will identify in which sectors Qatar needs laborers.' As Afghanistan faces very high unemployment, with many daily wage earners struggling to find work or earn a living inside the country, sending labor abroad could provide immediate economic relief. 'This agreement will bring continued and sustainable income to Afghan families. A major factor is that our economy is currently based on remittance. With more labor going abroad, the volume of remittance gets increased, helping the economy stabilize,' Abdul Hameed Jalili, former refugee affairs attache to Pakistan, told Arab News. The new agreement will not only provide jobs but also help elevate Afghanistan's standing in the international labor market, potentially opening doors for more Afghan workers abroad. 'Afghanistan is home to a skilled and talented workforce and enabling these individuals to work overseas can showcase the strength and professionalism of our labor force. This, in turn, could enhance the country's reputation and encourage other nations to consider recruiting Afghan workers,' Jalili said. Remittances have played a vital role in supporting both Afghan households and the national economy and used to contribute 4 percent to GDP, according to data from the Assessment Capacities Project, a non-governmental organization hosted by the Norwegian Refugee Council, which provides humanitarian analysis. They dropped in 2021, when Afghanistan was hit with sanctions after US-led forces left the country and its Western-backed administration collapsed as the Taliban took control. While since 2022 they have been on the rise, they are still below the pre-2021 level, according to ACAPS, also due to the reliance on unofficial hawala transfers, which are difficult to track. Many households are reliant on these transfers as job opportunities in Afghanistan have shrunk. It is unclear how high the unemployment rate currently is, but various reports suggest it has skyrocketed over the past four years with the withdrawal of foreign projects and aid. The UN Development Program warned in May that 75 percent of the Afghan population was subsistence-insecure, lacking access to adequate housing, health care, and essential goods. With no job prospects at home and no labor deals between the Taliban administration and foreign governments, many Afghans have illegally traveled abroad in search of employment, often taking dangerous routes. According to the International Organization for Migration, over 1.6 million Afghans left the country between 2021 and 2023. Agreements like the one signed with Qatar could pave the way for essential protections of those working abroad. 'Expanding official labor agreements with additional countries could help slow the migration trend that followed the collapse of the former government by offering safe and legal pathways for work abroad,' Jalili said. 'This would also reduce the risks associated with human trafficking and irregular migration, allowing Afghans to pursue opportunities overseas through regulated and secure channels.'
Arab News
29 minutes ago
- Arab News
Damascus between the Druze, Alawites and Kurds
It is true that Bashar Assad left the palace on the evening of Saturday, Dec. 7, and that Ahmad Al-Sharaa entered it the next day without a single shot being fired in the capital. This is a rare occurrence in history. Even so, the road ahead for the new leadership is neither paved nor smooth. The road to change from Idlib to Damascus was open because most Syrians — as well as regional and global actors — truly wanted change. But the actual uprooting of the Assad regime was a long and bloody process — perhaps one of the most complex transitions in the region. From this standpoint, we must interpret the current events within this context, rather than as a mere 'moment of victory.' Optimism, enthusiasm and widespread support did not prevent political unrest: confrontations on the coast with Alawites, the bombing of a Christian church in Damascus and disputes with the Druze of Sweida and with the Syrian Democratic Forces in Raqqa. The crises that have already occurred — and those that may still come — are expected. The domestic consensus to remove Assad means the alternative system will need time to build trust. There is also a troubled regional environment, with actors harmed by the transition who will need time to test the waters, accept the new reality and choose to cooperate. Amid these local confrontations, two dangerous factions threaten the new order. The first includes actors that are overtly hostile — such as remnants of the old regime, forces in Iran and local gangs like drug cartels. The domestic consensus to remove Assad means the alternative system will need time to build trust Abdulrahman Al-Rashed These groups will repeatedly try to create a confrontational climate that escalates over time. They aim to shrink Syria, entangle Damascus in a prolonged battle and encourage the emergence of independent regions. The second faction comes from within the system — or considers itself part of it — and plays a role in fueling crises. It has its own views on how the country should be governed and how it should engage with the world. Though loyal, this faction is no less dangerous than the hostile one, because it ignites conflicts and deepens divisions. Its threat lies in dragging the Syrian authority into a confrontation with the regional order and inviting foreign powers to invest in a local civil war. These traps require wisdom in handling so that they do not distract the government from its most difficult task: building a new state that most Syrians are waiting for — one that improves living standards and transitions into a modern nation. Al-Sharaa has domestic popularity that he must strengthen, lest it erode under the weight of looming challenges — most notably, bread shortages, inflation, low wages and delays in foreign aid. These are challenges unrelated to Iran or the regime's remnants. They are compounded by the need to extinguish growing social strife, which risks becoming a civil war. Those engaged in this strife — whether in the name of freedoms or defending (or opposing) the regime — are stoking tensions among Syria's deeply anxious and mistrustful communities. The international community wants a civil state that manages a disciplined security and military apparatus. The new Damascus government needs time to organize itself and win over Syria's diverse groups. Let us remember that Hafez Assad, while presenting himself as a protector of minorities, placed Abdul Halim Khaddam and Mustafa Tlass at his right and left. There are also forces in the region that have failed to establish extremist regimes — and now want Syria to become another Gaza or Afghanistan. The new Damascus government needs time to organize itself and win over Syria's diverse groups Abdulrahman Al-Rashed Upon entering the capital, Al-Sharaa immediately announced his openness to all, stressing that his concern is Syrian — not international. He displayed a moderation that surprised many and he has managed his relationships pragmatically, consistent with his promises. That is why Syria will not follow the Iranian model — which is now nearing its end — nor should it fight on behalf of others, whether against Israel or Iran. Nor should it allow others to bring their wars onto Syrian soil. Amid these ethnic, sectarian and regional tensions, the road will remain difficult. The government has inherited a devastated country violated by both domestic and foreign forces. Fixing it will require political skill — not brute force — and a sixth sense that can anticipate crises and contain them.
Arab News
29 minutes ago
- Arab News
UK data leak highlights West's flawed Afghanistan project
The reverberations of the Western forces' withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 keep on being felt in many nations, years after Taliban turned the page on 20 years of failed attempts by the US, UK, NATO and others to democratize the country. The recently exposed leak of data about thousands of Afghans who had worked with British forces presents several unanswered questions, as well as billions of pounds in costs. Then there is the vetting process that remains less than comprehensive, to say the least, and open to abuse, especially as the Taliban have repeatedly claimed that they have not pursued or targeted those who cooperated with the pro-Western regime in Kabul or its many Western allies. So, is it possible that the Afghans have been overexaggerating the level of threat to their safety for other reasons? Or has the West again been a victim of its oversensitivity to the protection of human rights, freedom of expression and women and other minorities from potential abuse by regimes such as the Taliban? In less than a month's time, on Aug. 15, it will be four years since Kabul fell back into the hands of the Taliban. The US-led Western troops' pullout, negotiated by the first Trump administration and executed by the Biden administration, ended up being one of the most chaotic and humiliating withdrawals since American troops pulled out of Vietnam. Whatever the reasons behind the speedy collapse of the pro-Western government in Kabul, it showed once more that the Western efforts to supplant democracy and nation-building were flawed from the beginning. The story for the UK of repatriating Afghans who had worked with its forces began then and continued under different Conservative governments. But the 2022 data leak did not come to public attention until a high court judge this month lifted a gagging order that was put in place in 2023, when the breach first came to light. In brief, the story goes back to February 2022, when the personal data related to nearly 19,000 Afghans who had applied to be repatriated to the UK after the Taliban seized power was leaked. The Conservative government under Rishi Sunak first learned of the breach in August 2023, when some of the details appeared on Facebook. A special resettlement scheme was set up at speed and more than 4,500 Afghans have since arrived in the UK. But the existence of the leak and subsequent relocations were kept secret after the government obtained a superinjunction banning their disclosure. This was because the data contained the names, contact details and family information of people who had cooperated with the UK and could potentially be at risk of reprisals from the Taliban. The secret scheme, known as the Afghan Response Route, has already cost the UK £400 million ($541 million). And it is expected to cost a similar amount again, if not more, if the UK is to honor its pledge that 600 more Afghan soldiers and 1,800 of their relatives who are still in Afghanistan will be moved to Britain. More dangerously, the leak also revealed the details of more than 100 British officials, including members of the special forces and the intelligence services. The data leak was a catastrophe and it exposed vulnerable Afghans, adding to the risk they faced. The government's decision to try to protect them was right. But it is also fair to question how those risks were assessed and whether the secrecy and lack of public scrutiny improved the situation for those involved. The Taliban's swift takeover of the country surprised the Western powers for sure, but it did not come as a total surprise for a majority of Afghans. Throughout their country's history, they have been capable of sensing the winds of change and maneuvering themselves to lean as necessary. Amid the hasty evacuation of tens of thousands of Afghans who had worked for the Western powers, not all of them were necessarily in imminent danger, but many also saw an opportunity to live outside Afghanistan. The existence of the leak was kept secret after the government obtained a superinjunction banning its disclosure. Mohamed Chebaro The question that has remained unanswered since 2021 is whether there was a genuine case for repatriation or if it was pure opportunism and freeloading. And though human rights groups routinely speak of threats to some people who dwelled in the public sphere, from security to education and women's rights, the dangers faced by those asking for asylum and evacuation remain unclear. Afghanistan is no different to any other nation that has frequently suffered internal strife and wars between its various ethnic and religious constituents. The rush to leave the country as the Western troops withdrew was a natural reflex for humans fearing the worst or sensing an opportune moment to change their lives. As a reporter who covered various parts of the Afghan story, it was possible to notice a trait of Afghans holding the stick from the middle and never burning their bridges with any clan that could be a foe. If anything, the UK data leak highlighted how a poorly-thought-out intervention and poorly executed state-building project, followed by a poorly orchestrated withdrawal, caused damage to the West's standing and reputation. Such poor efforts at the craft of state-building were especially likely to fail in a uniquely tribal and linguistically and ethnically diverse country such as Afghanistan.
