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The era of Corporate Pride is over

The era of Corporate Pride is over

Yahoo03-04-2025

This is going to be a "strange" year for Pride, Kevin Kilbride says, given everything that's going on. About one-third of New York City Pride's corporate partners are still holding back their sponsorship dollars this year, with just a couple of months to go before the event, explains Kilbride, who handles media and marketing for the organization. "That is unusual," he says. "We've seen folks moving a little bit more cautiously, what they would say is strategically."
Some sponsors have expressed political concerns, pointing to the White House's antagonistic stance on diversity, equity, and inclusion and the current climate more broadly. Others are gesturing at tariffs or general economic instability as the cause for their hesitation in committing big money, which organizers have to take at face value, even if it's hard to imagine the politics aren't part of the calculation. Case in point: Kilbride says that a "pretty significant" corporate sponsor has asked to be a silent partner of this year's New York Pride, though it hasn't scaled back its funding.
"Our businesses have long been a leader in trying to support this community and push this movement forward and more into the spotlight," Kilbride said. "And it's unfortunate that that not across the board seems to be shared by all of the former partners."
LGBTQ+ Pride month is close on the horizon, in June, and organizers of events, marches, and celebrations across the country are in the final stages of securing funding and sponsorships. In contrast to years past, when, if anything, the complaint was that Pride had become too corporate, planners are encountering a much different, colder scenario. This year, businesses are anxious about their involvement. While some are sticking to it, others are scaling back donations or declining to participate entirely. They're scared of the Trump administration's anti-DEI stance and threats of retribution. They're worried about the potential social media backlash. And they're reacting accordingly.
"There's a variety of responses. One is there is obviously retreat," said Bob Witeck, a communications strategist focused on the LGBT business community. "A number of companies have made the decision that this is a fraught environment in which to take part."
San Francisco Pride has had several big sponsors back away this year, including Anheuser-Busch, Comcast, Diageo, and Nissan. It may be on track for a $200,000 shortfall in its anticipated $4.1 million budget. Suzanne Ford, the executive director of San Francisco Pride, said the companies backing away have been wishy-washy about why.
"Obviously, the Trump administration and the war on diversity, equity, and inclusion, I think, has affected some corporations' decisions about who they sponsor," she said. "Some corporations are hedging their bets, not trying to inflame one side or the other and trying to just stay out of the fray."
The public attention on the dropouts has helped inspire other sponsors to jump in and fill the gap, Ford said, including Levi's, which is returning after a three-year hiatus, Benefit Cosmetics, and La Crema wines. As news about withdrawals trickled out, San Francisco Pride also brought in $30,000 in donations from individuals last month, and organizers believe some companies could still make donations even if they choose not to officially sponsor. Pride is a boon for San Francisco: A 2015 economic impact study found it injected $350 million into the local economy every year, thanks to more than half a million visitors attending the two-day celebration. Ten years later, Ford thinks that number could be $1 billion as crowds have continued to grow.
"Pride, over its history, has faced difficult times, and we've always found a way, and we'll find a way now," she said.
A Diageo spokesperson said that Diageo plans to participate in events around Pride in San Francisco, such as offering promotions at bars through its Smirnoff brand. Comcast, Anheuser-Busch, and Nissan did not respond to requests for comment.
Ryan Bos, the executive director of the Capital Pride Alliance in Washington, DC, said a number of sponsors have dropped out of this year's event, including Booz Allen Hamilton, a consulting firm and major federal contractor that could, in theory, find itself in the crosshairs of some of Trump's DEI-related executive actions.
"As you can imagine, being in the nation's capital, a lot of advocates we work with either have federal contracts or definitely receive federal funding," he said.
In an email, a Booz Allen spokesperson said the company is committed to supporting all of its employee communities and celebrating tribute months. They said the decision not to be a headline sponsor this year "does not reflect any pullback of support to this community."
I think there is a level of fear.
Denver Pride has seen a decrease in funding for its events, which include a festival, parade, and 5K race. Natalie Zanoni, the organization's interim CEO, said in an email that among those who sponsored Denver's 2024 Pride and are coming back this year, average contributions have decreased by 62%. Other sponsors aren't coming back at all. She noted that Denver's Pride is unique in that it doubles as an annual fundraiser for Denver's local LGBTQ+ community center, The Center on Colfax, meaning the decline in sponsorship money will affect more than the size of parade floats. "The decrease in funding we are experiencing puts these critical services at risk, such as mental health support, programming for our trans and gender diverse community, youth, older adults, and more," she said. While they are "disappointed" by the situation, the group doesn't want to call out specific funders. "We also recognize that these decisions do not reflect the views and opinions of everyone within the organizations in question," Zazoni said.
Kojo Modeste, the executive director of Pride Toronto, said that Nissan Canada is the only company that's publicly announced its exit from the city's event. The company said in an email that it was a "local decision solely due to a reevaluation" of its marketing and media activations in a "variety of activities." However, Modeste said "quite a few" other sponsors have quietly pulled out. Many of the corporations haven't provided a detailed justification, though most are based in the US, which, given the current economic headbutting between the two countries, adds another element. "It sends a message without sending the message, without them telling us exactly that they're pulling out for these reasons," Modeste said. "I think there is a level of fear."
Some smaller Canadian sponsors are trying to step in to help fill the gap, which Modeste is grateful for, but their generosity will still leave the organizers with a shortfall. "The cost of doing the festival year after year keeps going up," Modeste said. "Even if we were to gain back 50% of that loss, it is not going to cover that big gap that is left."
We're really back to, in a sense, what Pride was originally intended to be.
It's not just the large Pride events that are seeing pullbacks. Jessica Laney, the president of Pikes Peak Pride in Colorado Springs, said the event has never really had large corporate sponsors. It's generally relied on grassroots support and smaller entities, but they've scaled back this year, too. Pikes Peak is seeing fewer sponsors at their $5,000 and $10,000 tiers, which represent some of their highest levels of giving. Government grants have dried up, too. "Those are pretty much gone now," Laney said. On the more encouraging side, they've had an uptick in smaller contributors, say, at the $1,000 level. "It's kind of like a change off," she said.
Pikes Peak Pride is still below where it was last year in terms of sponsorship dollars, but the group hopes more money will come in. It's being more proactive about outreach and doubling the number of fundraisers it hosts.
Alexander Clark, the board president of 406 Pride, which hosts Billings Pride Fest in Montana, said they've had some new sponsors jump in, including a large local hotel chain, and as of now, one of its five major sponsors is returning — and increasing its donation. As for the other four major donors, Clark said the organizers are taking a cautiously optimistic approach. "As we're approaching some of the bigger sponsors, though, we're expecting to get some pushback, because some of the companies that have participated in the past may not have that same DEI focus," he said.
406 Pride is what Clark admits is a "unique" organization and location, given that it's in a deep-red county in a deep-red state.
"Folks seem to have a 'keep to their own' mentality," he said. If they're part of the queer community, they'll come out, but if not, they "don't really bother with us."
That means in terms of sponsors, it's always been a more thoughtful decision to participate. This year, Clark is hoping partners will come back and then some, because organizers are taking a number of new — and more expensive — safety measures. They're installing concrete barriers instead of wooden ones and are hiring a security firm to back up local police. "I'm not taking any chances this year," he said.
These decisions to scale back Pride support aren't happening in a vacuum — they're taking place in a context when many corporations are afraid to engage in anything that might appear DEI-esque.
The White House has pledged to root out what it's characterized as "illegal DEI" from the federal government, government contractors, and, where possible, private companies and is seeking to make examples out of specific entities it believes have gone too far. Some conservative social media influencers are on the hunt for targets to rile up their followers about. Businesses don't want to be caught up in whatever the controversy of the day is, or the one that pops up tomorrow, or the day after that. This has led a number of major companies to scale back their DEI practices. Some have eliminated or overhauled programs aimed at underrepresented consumers, vendors, and employees, including the LGBTQ+ community, and have scrubbed mention of certain diversity-related terms from their websites, financial filings, and other documentation. Take Target: It faced blowback last year over its Pride merchandise collection and wound up scaling it back, even though the collection wasn't markedly different from anything it had done in previous years.
"If you and I were talking five years ago, the bigger issue was corporate exploitation," Witeck said. "So we're really back to, in a sense, what Pride was originally intended to be. It was sort of a civil rights activation."
He added that some companies, instead of sponsoring celebrations or parades, are donating to community causes instead. "In some respects, that's a positive move," he said.
Fabrice Houdart, a human rights advocate who focuses on LGBTQ+ rights and corporate social responsibility, pointed out that the Trump administration has not targeted Pride, including this year's World Pride, which will happen in Washington, DC. In Houdart's mind, companies may just be taking advantage of the opportunity to walk away from initiatives they were never really that attached to in the first place.
"Right now, the wind is not very pro-LGBT and therefore they're thinking, 'Well, I'm just going to throw out the baby with the bathwater and run away from that community as quickly as I can,'" he said. "In many ways, what it shows is that there was some amateurism in the way the company expressed their values."
It's very, very hard to make that happen without corporate support.
All of the Pride organizers I spoke to expressed disappointment about former sponsors' handling of this year's events. Parades, festivals, and other gatherings cost money to put together, and less money may mean they could need to scale back their plans, though, in certain areas, such as security, medical services, and insurance, there's no compromising.
"People are getting the message that Pride is fragile. It always has been and always be," Ford said.
Historically, some corporations have been ahead of the curve on LGBTQ+ rights — General Motors, for example, extended marriage benefits to same-sex couples before same-sex marriage was legalized nationwide. Organizers also said they were starting to look for more grassroots, individual support going forward so that they won't be so reliant on big business and whatever cultural and political tides they're reacting to.
"You've got a free event that we're trying to make as accessible to as many people as we can. It's very, very hard to make that happen without corporate support," Kilbride said. "It's still, I think, going to end up being on the queer community. In my opinion, we are our own sponsors during Pride Month, so I think that's kind of what the future is headed towards."
In the meantime, New York City Pride is planning to get fundraising for this year wrapped by the beginning of May. Some of the attention on sponsors dropping out is bringing some of them back to the table, and there's hope additional visibility could inspire other companies to step up — corporate anxiety works both ways.
Emily Stewart is a senior correspondent at Business Insider, writing about business and the economy.
Read the original article on Business Insider

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Downtown L.A. curfew goes into effect after California Gov. Gavin Newsom addresses ICE protests

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Five takeaways from New Jersey's primaries for governor: How the candidates are handling Trump and more
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Five takeaways from New Jersey's primaries for governor: How the candidates are handling Trump and more

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'I tell people it's not maybe the sexiest tagline, but ruthless competence is what people in New Jersey want to see in government,' Sherrill added later. 'And that's what I've always provided, and that's what I think stands in stark contrast to the most incompetent federal government we've probably ever seen in this nation.' Still, while Sherrill won with over a third of the vote, the results revealed a fractured party. Two candidates who pitched themselves as more progressive, Newark Mayor Ras Baraka and Jersey City Mayor Steve Fulop, won a combined 36% of the vote. Two of the more moderate candidates, U.S. Rep. Josh Gottheimer and former state Senate President Steve Sweeney, got 20% combined, while teachers union president Sean Spiller won 10%. After having come just 3 percentage points shy of defeating Murphy in 2021, Ciattarelli made one thing clear in his bid four years later: He's all in on Trump. Like many prominent Republicans, Ciattarelli wasn't always on board — he criticized Trump as a 'charlatan' in 2015. And while he embraced Trump during his previous bid for governor, he didn't campaign with him. That led Ciattarelli's opponents, including his top competitor, former radio host Bill Spadea, to try to frame him as insufficiently loyal to Trump. (Spadea had voiced criticism of Trump before he fell back in line.) But Trump's endorsement of Ciattarelli cemented his front-runner status, helping hasten the end of the campaign. And in a nod to Ciattarelli's past criticism, Trump tried to inoculate him from any attempt to undercut his Trump bona fides. 'Jack, who after getting to know and understand MAGA, has gone ALL IN, and is now 100% (PLUS!),' Trump wrote in a Truth Social post announcing his backing. Tuesday's result suggests that Trump's seal of approval was good enough for most GOP primary voters. By late Tuesday evening, Ciattarelli was carrying all of the state's 21 counties. Ciattarelli's vote share was at 67% by late Tuesday evening, compared with just 22% for Spadea. State Sen. Jon Bramnick, who had been critical of Trump, had won just 6%, followed by two other candidates who had each won less than 3% of the vote. Ciattarelli thanked Trump in his victory speech for his 'endorsement and strong support,' making a joke about his being a 'part-time New Jersey resident.' (Trump owns a home and a golf course in Bedminster.) But Ciattarelli spent most of his speech focused on a general election argument, not on shoring up his base — indicative of the line he'll have to walk in a state Trump lost three times, even after the improvement he showed last year. Both parties are grappling with antiestablishment sentiment, wondering how to handle it, channel it or just avoid getting run over by it. But Tuesday's results were also a reminder that political institutions still have some staying power. New Jersey's traditional political machines were dealt a blow last year following a lawsuit from Democrat Andy Kim during his Senate run, when a court ordered that county parties could no longer give advantageous ballot positions to their preferred candidates. That diminished the sway those parties had Tuesday, but they still demonstrated some power. Ciattarelli was the only Republican who competed for county party endorsements. Fulop didn't compete for Democratic county party endorsements, and Gottheimer sat some out, as well. Some county parties split between the candidates, with Sherrill earning the most endorsements from 10 of the 21 counties. While Sherrill was carrying 15 of the state's 21 counties late Tuesday, Gottheimer was winning his home county, Bergen, which endorsed him. Sweeney, the only candidate from South Jersey, fared far better in the six counties that backed him. He was winning 40% of the vote in Gloucester County while garnering 7% of the statewide vote. The county party endorsements were no guarantee of victory: The Essex County Democrats, for example, endorsed Sherrill. But as of late Tuesday evening, she was trailing Baraka in Essex County, where he is mayor of Newark, the state's largest city. Even in that instance, though, the party endorsement may have helped Sherrill cut Baraka's margins in his home base. Tuesday night's victory speeches were also important table-setters, indicative of how each party is looking to frame the general election. And New Jersey's general election this year may foreshadow much of what we see on the campaign trail around the country in the 2026 midterms. Outside of a quick thanks to Trump, Ciattarelli kept his focus tightly on Sherrill and New Jersey Democrats in his victory speech. He criticized her as 'Phil Murphy 2.0,' arguing that she has 'enabled every extremist and costly idea Phil Murphy has put forth,' and he even revived a key criticism of Murphy from his 2021 campaign. He also criticized Sherrill's focus on Trump as a deflection. 'Mark my words: While we focus on these key New Jersey issues, my Democratic opponent will do everything in her power. Trust me ... if you took a shot every time Mikie Sherrill says 'Trump,' you'd be drunk off your ass every day between now and Nov. 4,' he said. 'But every time you hear her say 'Trump,' I want you to know what it really means: What it really means is Mikie doesn't have a plan to fix New Jersey,' he continued. During her victory speech, Sherrill leaned heavily on her biography but also emphasized a dual mandate — a fight against New Jersey Republicans and also against Trump, a recipe that Democrats have successfully leaned on in past midterm elections. Calling Ciattarelli a 'Trump lackey' who shouldn't lead the state, Sherrill criticized 'Trump and MAGA Republicans in D.C. [who] want to raise your taxes and take away your health care and education dollars.' 'This country is too beautiful to be beholden to the cruelty and self-interest that Jack and Trump are trying to hoist on her,' she said. 'The future is built on hard work and hope, and here in New Jersey, we're known for our grit, our tenacity — maybe a little bit for how loud we are — but it's going to take a strong voice to cut through the noise from Washington and deliver for the people,' she said. 'So I stand here tonight doing just that. And as a mom of four teenagers, you guys know I'm not going to put up with the incompetent, whiny nonsense coming from aggrieved MAGA Republicans.' Tuesday's results showed how money matters in campaigns — and how it has its limits. On the Democratic side, Sherrill won despite having been outspent by some of her opponents whose outside groups dropped millions of dollars on the race. The largest outside spender was Working New Jersey, a super PAC funded by the state's teachers union, which Spiller leads. The group had spent a whopping $35 million on the race as of May 27, according to the latest campaign finance reports, while Spiller's campaign had spent $342,000. As of late Tuesday, Spiller had about 10% of the primary vote. Gottheimer and Fulop were also boosted by outside groups that spent millions of dollars on the airwaves. (Gottheimer drained his congressional account to fund the outside group supporting him.) Sherrill got support on the airwaves from One Giant Leap PAC, which spent less than either Gottheimer's or Fulop's groups but spent most of its funds in the final weeks of the race. Ciattarelli and an aligned outside group, Kitchen Table Conservatives, outspent the other Republicans. And Ciattarelli touted his strong fundraising as proof that he would be a formidable general election candidate. This article was originally published on

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