Latest news with #Kilbride
Daily Record
6 days ago
- General
- Daily Record
Good Samaritan had two teeth knocked out by drug addict he'd tried to help
Scott Kilbride, 30, lashed out when he was caught stealing the man's bank card. A Good Samaritan had two teeth knocked out when he was attacked in his own home by a drug addict he'd tried to help. Scott Kilbride lashed out when he was caught stealing the man's bank card. Airdrie Sheriff Court heard he knocked the householder to the floor then stamped twice on his head. Kilbride, 30, appeared from custody and admitted assaulting the man to his severe injury and permanent disfigurement while on bail for other matters. It happened at a flat in King Street, Airdrie, on January 22. He also admitted stealing the victim's bank card. Annette Ward, prosecuting, told the court: "The victim was in his bedroom around 9am when he heard a noise in the kitchen. "He went to investigate and noticed some disarray. He then went to the living room and found Kilbride hiding behind the television. "Kilbride is known to him as the victim is aware of him having a drug addiction and has tried to support him. "The victim asked him why he was in the property and Kilbride said he had nowhere to go. "The victim had noticed his bank card was missing and asked for it back. "Kilbride then punched him on the face and head a number of times, causing him to fall. "While he was on the floor Kilbride stamped on his head twice." The victim managed to get to his feet and fled from his home. Meanwhile, Kilbride climbed out of a kitchen window and made off, but police traced him a short time later. He was in possession of the victim's bank card. The court heard the victim suffered cuts to his lips and lost two teeth. Sheriff Tony McGlennan deferred sentence on Kilbride, who admitted previous convictions, until next month and remanded him in custody. *Don't miss the latest headlines from around Lanarkshire. Sign up to our newsletters here. And did you know Lanarkshire Live had its own app? Download yours for free here.
The National
10-05-2025
- Entertainment
- The National
Kathleen MacInnes records Scottish Gaelic album at sold-out show
The sold-out show took place on the ninth day of the festival, but MacInnes – one of Scotland's most-loved and leading Gaelic musicians – wasn't just performing a show. She was recording live tracks for her much-anticipated third album. Her debut album Òg-Mhadainn Shamhraidh (Summer Dawn) was released in 2006, with another following in 2012, Cille Bhrìde (Kilbride). From South Uist, MacInnes grew up immersed in the Gaelic way of life with her voice moulded at island ceilidhs and the regular sesh. She only began performing publicly in her late 20s, which meant this performance was incredibly unique. READ MORE: Rhoda Meek: Toffs in tweed flock to the Highlands, but what benefits do they bring? In the packed theatre, the stage was set with a fiddle, keyboard, accordion and guitar for MacInnes to be joined by several musicians – but initially, she came out solo. Her humour was clear from the get-go, with a joke disclaiming she would only be playing 'a very short Gaelic song and then I'm going'. MacInnes opened with a 16th century lullaby – singing a capella – and signalled to the audience 'you are safe here, you can relax'. Although just back from starring in the acclaimed production of Macbeth with David Tennant and Cush Jumbo in London's West End, MacInnes looked both comfortable and nervous on the stage. She was joined by longtime friend and musician Mike Vass to share a Benbecula song about a stubborn cow – 'just like me,' she joked, before chiding herself, 'I said I wasn't going to be like this,' despite the audience loving her informality – and another from South Glendale. The songs were of course sung in Gaelic, save one or two later tracks. As the first few were played, I was transported through time – easy enough to do while listening MacInnes – to when I first heard her voice. I can pin it down to the exact moment in my mind. I had been home from school for a few hours and found myself on the internet reading about the Stone of Destiny as we had been studying it during History that day. I soon found her version of Oran Na Cloiche (The Song of the Stone), which bar my parents sharing Runrig and The Corries with me, was my first solo traverse into the world of Scottish Gaelic music. Ever since, her music, and that of dozens of artists I've discovered through her, has been a constant on my playlists. Vass and MacInnes were then joined by Donald Shaw to play a waltz called Jimmy Mo Mhíle Stór. The depth and release of MacInnes's vocals paired alongside the refinement and control of Vass and Shaw gave the impression of a band which was tight but flowing in their artistry. READ MORE: Scottish festival celebrating green initiatives and grassroots talent The trio were later joined by Neil Sutcliffe — an accordionist, singer, and pianist from Stirling, whom I last saw perform live three years ago in Glasgow. Since then, he has clearly carved out a place for himself as a budding talent in the Gaelic music scene. Being chosen as the support act for MacInnes at an event of this calibre, however, sets him apart entirely. Sutcliffe sang duets with MacInnes as well as perform solo songs, all while playing accordion, and later keyboard, while holding a star-quality stage presence alongside MacInnes's already established stardom. While the four performed a waulking song from Ness, the sound from all playing their respective instruments rounded out to raise the breadth of MacInnes's range to be on full show. A sing-along was had to Matt McGinn's Skin – all about skin – which I do believe you can only sing with a smile. The audience weren't too sure whether to believe it was seriously part of the set, as it came straight after an emotional Raasay tune about a woman's love being lost at sea. After a quick interval, MacInnes went on to dedicate an 1885 Swedish song translated into Gaelic to the newly appointed Pope Leo XIV while the three men then played a couple of reels. Fellow South Uist singer Sineag MacIntyre made a quick appearance towards the end, with the two women treating the audience to a talented session of puirt à beul, as well as a gorgeous rendition of Morag. Concluding the set, we were given not one but two Stone of Destiny-inspired songs. I can only imagine Sutcliffe takes inspiration from the Corries, as if you closed your eyes while he sang The Wee Magic Stane, you wouldn't be able to distinguish his jovial delivery from theirs. MacInnes then sang her much-loved version of Oran Na Cloiche. I personally wanted to remember every second of that performance as well as the whole night which had seamlessly moved between centuries and memories. With MacInnes, a pillar of the Gaelic tradition joined by young musicians on stage, giving us – a sold-out show – an insight into her creative process, while the audience sings along to songs from the 1700s, the night embodied this year's Tradfest theme. The past, present and future of traditional music.
Yahoo
03-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
The era of Corporate Pride is over
This is going to be a "strange" year for Pride, Kevin Kilbride says, given everything that's going on. About one-third of New York City Pride's corporate partners are still holding back their sponsorship dollars this year, with just a couple of months to go before the event, explains Kilbride, who handles media and marketing for the organization. "That is unusual," he says. "We've seen folks moving a little bit more cautiously, what they would say is strategically." Some sponsors have expressed political concerns, pointing to the White House's antagonistic stance on diversity, equity, and inclusion and the current climate more broadly. Others are gesturing at tariffs or general economic instability as the cause for their hesitation in committing big money, which organizers have to take at face value, even if it's hard to imagine the politics aren't part of the calculation. Case in point: Kilbride says that a "pretty significant" corporate sponsor has asked to be a silent partner of this year's New York Pride, though it hasn't scaled back its funding. "Our businesses have long been a leader in trying to support this community and push this movement forward and more into the spotlight," Kilbride said. "And it's unfortunate that that not across the board seems to be shared by all of the former partners." LGBTQ+ Pride month is close on the horizon, in June, and organizers of events, marches, and celebrations across the country are in the final stages of securing funding and sponsorships. In contrast to years past, when, if anything, the complaint was that Pride had become too corporate, planners are encountering a much different, colder scenario. This year, businesses are anxious about their involvement. While some are sticking to it, others are scaling back donations or declining to participate entirely. They're scared of the Trump administration's anti-DEI stance and threats of retribution. They're worried about the potential social media backlash. And they're reacting accordingly. "There's a variety of responses. One is there is obviously retreat," said Bob Witeck, a communications strategist focused on the LGBT business community. "A number of companies have made the decision that this is a fraught environment in which to take part." San Francisco Pride has had several big sponsors back away this year, including Anheuser-Busch, Comcast, Diageo, and Nissan. It may be on track for a $200,000 shortfall in its anticipated $4.1 million budget. Suzanne Ford, the executive director of San Francisco Pride, said the companies backing away have been wishy-washy about why. "Obviously, the Trump administration and the war on diversity, equity, and inclusion, I think, has affected some corporations' decisions about who they sponsor," she said. "Some corporations are hedging their bets, not trying to inflame one side or the other and trying to just stay out of the fray." The public attention on the dropouts has helped inspire other sponsors to jump in and fill the gap, Ford said, including Levi's, which is returning after a three-year hiatus, Benefit Cosmetics, and La Crema wines. As news about withdrawals trickled out, San Francisco Pride also brought in $30,000 in donations from individuals last month, and organizers believe some companies could still make donations even if they choose not to officially sponsor. Pride is a boon for San Francisco: A 2015 economic impact study found it injected $350 million into the local economy every year, thanks to more than half a million visitors attending the two-day celebration. Ten years later, Ford thinks that number could be $1 billion as crowds have continued to grow. "Pride, over its history, has faced difficult times, and we've always found a way, and we'll find a way now," she said. A Diageo spokesperson said that Diageo plans to participate in events around Pride in San Francisco, such as offering promotions at bars through its Smirnoff brand. Comcast, Anheuser-Busch, and Nissan did not respond to requests for comment. Ryan Bos, the executive director of the Capital Pride Alliance in Washington, DC, said a number of sponsors have dropped out of this year's event, including Booz Allen Hamilton, a consulting firm and major federal contractor that could, in theory, find itself in the crosshairs of some of Trump's DEI-related executive actions. "As you can imagine, being in the nation's capital, a lot of advocates we work with either have federal contracts or definitely receive federal funding," he said. In an email, a Booz Allen spokesperson said the company is committed to supporting all of its employee communities and celebrating tribute months. They said the decision not to be a headline sponsor this year "does not reflect any pullback of support to this community." I think there is a level of fear. Denver Pride has seen a decrease in funding for its events, which include a festival, parade, and 5K race. Natalie Zanoni, the organization's interim CEO, said in an email that among those who sponsored Denver's 2024 Pride and are coming back this year, average contributions have decreased by 62%. Other sponsors aren't coming back at all. She noted that Denver's Pride is unique in that it doubles as an annual fundraiser for Denver's local LGBTQ+ community center, The Center on Colfax, meaning the decline in sponsorship money will affect more than the size of parade floats. "The decrease in funding we are experiencing puts these critical services at risk, such as mental health support, programming for our trans and gender diverse community, youth, older adults, and more," she said. While they are "disappointed" by the situation, the group doesn't want to call out specific funders. "We also recognize that these decisions do not reflect the views and opinions of everyone within the organizations in question," Zazoni said. Kojo Modeste, the executive director of Pride Toronto, said that Nissan Canada is the only company that's publicly announced its exit from the city's event. The company said in an email that it was a "local decision solely due to a reevaluation" of its marketing and media activations in a "variety of activities." However, Modeste said "quite a few" other sponsors have quietly pulled out. Many of the corporations haven't provided a detailed justification, though most are based in the US, which, given the current economic headbutting between the two countries, adds another element. "It sends a message without sending the message, without them telling us exactly that they're pulling out for these reasons," Modeste said. "I think there is a level of fear." Some smaller Canadian sponsors are trying to step in to help fill the gap, which Modeste is grateful for, but their generosity will still leave the organizers with a shortfall. "The cost of doing the festival year after year keeps going up," Modeste said. "Even if we were to gain back 50% of that loss, it is not going to cover that big gap that is left." We're really back to, in a sense, what Pride was originally intended to be. It's not just the large Pride events that are seeing pullbacks. Jessica Laney, the president of Pikes Peak Pride in Colorado Springs, said the event has never really had large corporate sponsors. It's generally relied on grassroots support and smaller entities, but they've scaled back this year, too. Pikes Peak is seeing fewer sponsors at their $5,000 and $10,000 tiers, which represent some of their highest levels of giving. Government grants have dried up, too. "Those are pretty much gone now," Laney said. On the more encouraging side, they've had an uptick in smaller contributors, say, at the $1,000 level. "It's kind of like a change off," she said. Pikes Peak Pride is still below where it was last year in terms of sponsorship dollars, but the group hopes more money will come in. It's being more proactive about outreach and doubling the number of fundraisers it hosts. Alexander Clark, the board president of 406 Pride, which hosts Billings Pride Fest in Montana, said they've had some new sponsors jump in, including a large local hotel chain, and as of now, one of its five major sponsors is returning — and increasing its donation. As for the other four major donors, Clark said the organizers are taking a cautiously optimistic approach. "As we're approaching some of the bigger sponsors, though, we're expecting to get some pushback, because some of the companies that have participated in the past may not have that same DEI focus," he said. 406 Pride is what Clark admits is a "unique" organization and location, given that it's in a deep-red county in a deep-red state. "Folks seem to have a 'keep to their own' mentality," he said. If they're part of the queer community, they'll come out, but if not, they "don't really bother with us." That means in terms of sponsors, it's always been a more thoughtful decision to participate. This year, Clark is hoping partners will come back and then some, because organizers are taking a number of new — and more expensive — safety measures. They're installing concrete barriers instead of wooden ones and are hiring a security firm to back up local police. "I'm not taking any chances this year," he said. These decisions to scale back Pride support aren't happening in a vacuum — they're taking place in a context when many corporations are afraid to engage in anything that might appear DEI-esque. The White House has pledged to root out what it's characterized as "illegal DEI" from the federal government, government contractors, and, where possible, private companies and is seeking to make examples out of specific entities it believes have gone too far. Some conservative social media influencers are on the hunt for targets to rile up their followers about. Businesses don't want to be caught up in whatever the controversy of the day is, or the one that pops up tomorrow, or the day after that. This has led a number of major companies to scale back their DEI practices. Some have eliminated or overhauled programs aimed at underrepresented consumers, vendors, and employees, including the LGBTQ+ community, and have scrubbed mention of certain diversity-related terms from their websites, financial filings, and other documentation. Take Target: It faced blowback last year over its Pride merchandise collection and wound up scaling it back, even though the collection wasn't markedly different from anything it had done in previous years. "If you and I were talking five years ago, the bigger issue was corporate exploitation," Witeck said. "So we're really back to, in a sense, what Pride was originally intended to be. It was sort of a civil rights activation." He added that some companies, instead of sponsoring celebrations or parades, are donating to community causes instead. "In some respects, that's a positive move," he said. Fabrice Houdart, a human rights advocate who focuses on LGBTQ+ rights and corporate social responsibility, pointed out that the Trump administration has not targeted Pride, including this year's World Pride, which will happen in Washington, DC. In Houdart's mind, companies may just be taking advantage of the opportunity to walk away from initiatives they were never really that attached to in the first place. "Right now, the wind is not very pro-LGBT and therefore they're thinking, 'Well, I'm just going to throw out the baby with the bathwater and run away from that community as quickly as I can,'" he said. "In many ways, what it shows is that there was some amateurism in the way the company expressed their values." It's very, very hard to make that happen without corporate support. All of the Pride organizers I spoke to expressed disappointment about former sponsors' handling of this year's events. Parades, festivals, and other gatherings cost money to put together, and less money may mean they could need to scale back their plans, though, in certain areas, such as security, medical services, and insurance, there's no compromising. "People are getting the message that Pride is fragile. It always has been and always be," Ford said. Historically, some corporations have been ahead of the curve on LGBTQ+ rights — General Motors, for example, extended marriage benefits to same-sex couples before same-sex marriage was legalized nationwide. Organizers also said they were starting to look for more grassroots, individual support going forward so that they won't be so reliant on big business and whatever cultural and political tides they're reacting to. "You've got a free event that we're trying to make as accessible to as many people as we can. It's very, very hard to make that happen without corporate support," Kilbride said. "It's still, I think, going to end up being on the queer community. In my opinion, we are our own sponsors during Pride Month, so I think that's kind of what the future is headed towards." In the meantime, New York City Pride is planning to get fundraising for this year wrapped by the beginning of May. Some of the attention on sponsors dropping out is bringing some of them back to the table, and there's hope additional visibility could inspire other companies to step up — corporate anxiety works both ways. Emily Stewart is a senior correspondent at Business Insider, writing about business and the economy. Read the original article on Business Insider
Chicago Tribune
02-04-2025
- Politics
- Chicago Tribune
Jim Nowlan: Democrats on Illinois' high court must recuse themselves on gerrymandering
Democratic justices on the Illinois Supreme Court are so hopelessly mired in conflicts of interest on partisan issues that they must recuse themselves from all such proceedings, including the present case to overturn what are arguably the nation's most gerrymandered legislative districts. Some background. For many years before he became defrocked, Chicago Ald. Ed Burke chaired the Democratic Party of Cook County judicial endorsement committee. A good word from Burke in the committee 'made' scores of judges, as endorsement in heavily Democratic Cook County was tantamount to election. Even Burke's wife was elevated to the state high court by the process. So tight was the relationship between Burke and the state high court that four of the seven justices recused themselves from the easy-as-pie issue as to whether Burke should lose his law license following his conviction on federal felony charges. Outside Cook County, then-Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan, who was also chair of the Illinois Democratic Party, contributed millions to elect downstater Tom Kilbride and help him retain his seat on the state high court. Kilbride was the author of the last-minute opinion in 2016 that blocked a petition of more than 563,000 Illinois voters to put on the ballot the question of whether voters wanted districts drawn by an independent commission. Arguing the case in front of Kilbride and his associates was Michael Kasper, a longtime Madigan lawyer and treasurer for the Democratic majority political committee. Yet Kilbride failed to recuse himself. Only in Illinois. By the way, Burke is in prison for political corruption, and recently convicted Madigan may be headed to the hoosegow for the same. In 2022, state Senate President Don Harmon contributed half a million dollars to a pro-Democrat judicial super political action committee. Democrats Elizabeth Rochford and Mary Kay O'Brien were elected to the state high court that year. Also, a Harmon-backed committee failed to report to the state election board millions of dollars the group had spent on behalf of Rochford and O'Brien in that election. This failure deprived their opponents of critical campaign information. Which brings us to the present. Illinois House Republicans are challenging the 2021 Democratic-controlled redistricting of legislative seats. The Illinois Constitution dictates that districts be 'compact.' Instead, Democrats drew districts that look like slithering snakes, dangling earrings and beer can openers, all to benefit their party candidates. This resulted in lopsided elections that gave the Democrats two-thirds of all state legislative seats and four-fifths of our state's 17 congressional seats, even though statewide Republicans have tallied 46% of all votes for governor in the past four elections. Political observers expect the state high court to do what it can to avoid a hearing on the merits; insiders think justices might say the case is untimely, as the redistricting map was enacted in 2021. I have a Ph.D. and not a law degree, yet I was taught that issues involving constitutional relief were never encumbered by issues of timeliness. So, who is defending this unconstitutional redistricting before the state high court? Harmon and Democratic House Speaker Emanuel 'Chris' Welch! Who are their lawyers? Kasper and Adam Vaught, a former law clerk for Kilbride. Only in Illinois. There is no way the recently elected justices can render decisions on redistricting unsullied by the political debts they owe. They and the other three Democratic justices on the court must recuse themselves. Indeed, in 2009, the U.S. Supreme Court in Caperton v. A. T. Massey Coal Co. overturned a state court decision in West Virginia because a judge refused to recuse himself even though he received campaign contributions from a party in the case. If the justices fail to recuse themselves from the current proceedings, the court will simply confirm our state's embarrassing national reputation for politics polluted by conflicts of interest — and worse.
Yahoo
06-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
EPA funds still frozen despite agency memo, lawmakers' pressure
Funding for several key Environmental Protection Agency programs remained on hold Wednesday despite an internal directive calling for agency staff to comply with a court ruling to disburse the money and intervention from lawmakers concerned about projects in their states and districts. An internal EPA memo issued Tuesday that was obtained by POLITICO directed agency officials to 'enable the obligation' of funds under the bipartisan infrastructure law and Inflation Reduction Act that had been paused by the Trump administration since it took office. The EPA memo cited a ruling by a federal judge on Monday that barred agencies from enforcing any remaining elements of the administration's spending freeze. However, EPA has not issued information on which of the programs funded by the two laws have been unfrozen, sparking confusion among award recipients and on Capitol Hill, where lawmakers from both parties are pushing the administration to allow the money to flow to particular programs. EPA declined to comment for this story, citing the pending litigation. 'It's hard to tell what is incompetence and what is confusion and what is basically contemptuous trickery,' said Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, the top Democrat on the Environment and Public Works Committee. 'But it does seem that they say one thing, and then the funds don't move.' EPW Chair Shelley Moore Capito ( has been in contact with EPA in a bid to get funds released, she and other lawmakers said. Awards under EPA's brownfields remediation program, which was funded by the infrastructure law, were flowing again on Wednesday after Capito and Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) intervened, the two lawmakers said in a hearing. Most of the programs that EPA initially targeted to be unfrozen were from the infrastructure law, POLITICO previously reported. But the internet portal to access funds from EPA's $5 billion Clean School Bus program, which was created by the infrastructure law, remained inaccessible on Wednesday, according to two recipients. Chris Kilbride, the superintendent of the Ritenour School District outside St. Louis, Missouri, told POLITICO the district was unable access the EPA funds it was planning to draw down this week to pay for 21 new electric buses, all of which are built and ready to be delivered. 'Our grant is still frozen,' Kilbride said. 'We've got our CFO checking three times a day on the portal.' The district also received a $830,000 bill this week for EV charging stations it installed for the buses — costs that are meant to be funded by the program. It is working with its contractor to delay payment until it gets clarity on the federal funds. 'We're committed to not using local tax dollars to make this happen,' Kilbride said. Neither Kilbride nor Rep. Wesley Bell , a Democrat who represents the district, have been able to get information from EPA on if or when the grant will be unfrozen. 'There's no guidance — I'm a congressman, and we're scrambling to figure out what the administration is trying to do,' Bell said. 'We should not be wondering if a school district can buy school buses that are ready and waiting for it.' Capito said she had also discussed the Clean Bus Program with people in the Trump administration after GreenPower, a bus manufacturer in her state that has received orders funded by the program, told her it is 'concerned' about losing funding. 'We are trying to help them work through it to figure out what the status is,' Capito said. One person who works with state governments on climate policies said on Wednesday all the IRA money was frozen, including the $7 billion Solar for All program and the $5 billion climate pollution reduction grants programs. Another official with a state energy office also told POLITICO on Wednesday that it still could not access EPA climate funds despite the new agency memo. Whitehouse accused EPA of purposefully creating a 'fog bank of confusion and uncertainty and uncommunicativeness' around the status of the funds. He praised Capito for her effort 'to work through individual jams of Republican and Democratic members' by flagging issues to the Trump administration, but said those interactions have not led 'all the way to money flowing.' Sen. Martin Heinrich of New Mexico, the top Democrat on the Energy Committee, said he had seen some 'surprising and positive' progress on unfreezing funding for his state, but money for some other programs was still held up. 'It's chaos, and that's the point,' Heinrich told POLITICO Wednesday. Energy Committee staff members familiar with the situation had previously told POLITICO that recipients of money from the Interior Department's Bureau of Reclamation had informed the committee that their awards for several projects funded under the IRA and infrastructure law were on hold. Those included projects enhancing drought resilience, erosion mitigation and sediment removal. Other Democrats said they are fearful the Trump administration could start unlocking funding for Republican-led states, but not theirs. 'At what point is he [Trump] going to start picking winners and losers?' said Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.). 'And at what point is he gonna decide if you're from a Republican state you get to keep some of this funding but if you're a Democrat from a blue state, you don't? That's not how this should work.' Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), a Trump ally, said the administration is coming to terms with the challenge of clawing back obligated funds appropriated in laws passed by Congress. 'What they are probably finding is it's not as easy as you might think to take a scalpel at a law that has passed,' Cramer said. 'He [Trump] throws this stuff out and sees where it lands and it's already working itself through.' Zack Colman contributed to this report.
