Opinion - Hypocritical outrage over Trump's crackdown on universities
These naysayers would have us believe that such outcomes risk our very democracy, and that the government has no business applying a heavy hand in the name of protecting Jewish students from violence, intimidation and harassment.
They would, however, do well to consider the hypocrisy of their position.
Those raising the alarms might imagine an executive order directing federal troops onto campuses in the name of protecting Jewish students. Or they might imagine a Supreme Court decision endorsing the 'weaponization of the IRS against a political adversary of the president' through the revocation of the tax-exempt status of a private university, as Harvard professor and former Treasury Secretary Larry Summers recently lamented.
Such possibilities are easy to imagine because this has all happened before.
The former occurred when President Dwight Eisenhower issued Executive Order 10730 on Sept. 24, 1957, ordering federal troops to the campus at Central High School in Little Rock, Ark. to enforce racial desegregation.
The latter happened in 1983, when the Supreme Court issued its decision in Bob Jones University v. U.S. The court ruled that the private Christian university's First Amendment rights did not override the 'fundamental' governmental interest in 'eradicating racial discrimination in education.' In that case, the government opposed Bob Jones University's admissions practices for Black applicants and its ban on interracial dating.
I imagine that today's incessant handwringers, raising alarms and fretting over lost freedoms, would have fully supported the presence of federal troops in Little Rock and the revocation of Bob Jones University's tax-exempt status. To them, the argument would have been simple: Schools can enjoy federal assistance or they can discriminate in ways that violate federal law, but they cannot do both at the same time.
So why the inconsistency? Why is it permissible to punish Bob Jones for discriminating against Black students but not Harvard for throwing its Jewish students to the wolves?
Antisemitism on college campuses since the Hamas attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023 has skyrocketed to dizzying levels, with no meaningful steps taken to address it — that is, until the Trump administration forced the issue. Up to that point, 83 percent of Jewish college students either experienced or witnessed antisemitic incidents. Sixty-six percent believed that their university would not prevent antisemitic incidents. Forty-one percent said they were forced to hide their Jewish identities, according to a survey by the Anti-Defamation League.
At Cooper Union in New York, Jewish students hid in the library as crowds shouting 'Free Palestine' banged on the windows and doors. Cornell University still employs Professor Russell Rickford, who shouted into a microphone that Oct. 7 was 'exhilarating' and 'energizing.' At San Francisco University, vandals defaced the Hillel Center with the word 'Khaybar,' a reference to early Muslims slaughtering a tribe of Jews.
Columbia University still employs Professor Frank Guridy, who held a 'teach-in' class in its encampment, a space Jewish students were only permitted to enter if they disclaimed their identity as 'Zionist.' As the vast majority of American Jews identify as Zionist, almost all Jews were banned from this swath of campus and Guridy's class.
Few dispute that the situation for Jews on campus has been dire, nor is there much dispute that universities have failed to protect their Jewish students. Rather, today's apologists for these universities claim to place the sanctity of freedom of speech above all else. Never mind that these same apologists were totally silent when angry mobs shut down university classes or events with pro-Israel speakers. Never mind that not one of them spoke out when the Biden administration's federal investigation of Brigham Young University implicated another First Amendment right — the freedom of religion.
This is not about consistency, but rather ideology cloaked by a semblance of virtue. Certainly, there would be no apologies for a university that employed professors who were exhilarated and energized by Ku Klux Klan lynchings, or one in which Hispanic students were forced to hide from angry mobs.
By design, federal civil rights laws and federal funding can be weaponized as a cudgel to force wayward recipients of such funds back into compliance with the law. This is a feature, not a bug. They have been used at various points to protect Black, Hispanic, Muslim and gay students. Jewish students have the right to enjoy the benefits of those powers as much as any other minority student.
Susan Greene is a partner at Holtzman Vogel, a law firm based in Washington, D.C. Her law firm does work on antisemitism and has cases involving universities.
Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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- Los Angeles Times
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Los Angeles Times
25 minutes ago
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They'd been contemplating the same thing. 'I said that it would be great if Jews from a bunch of different political backgrounds from different corners of the university ecosystem came together and said something about this proposed fine,' said Ferdman, whose institute aims to elevate the research and practice of kindness. Myers, who is director of the Kindness Institute, told his colleagues he would write a draft — and after Ferdman and Gross offered feedback, the letter began circulating for signatures on Aug. 11. Days later, the organizers decided to expand its scope so that Jewish voices from across the UC system could add their names. Zev Yaroslavsky, a former L.A. County supervisor, was an early signatory. He said that the federal actions are 'not going to address the issue of antisemitism on campus,' but that they will 'blow a hole through' the school's finances. 'It's the existence of the institution — that's what's at stake here,' said Yaroslavsky, director of the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs. The discord at UCLA climaxed at a large encampment set up on Royce Quad in April 2024: Pro-Israel activists instigated a melee, and law enforcement's inability to stop it sparked intense criticism. The violence drew global headlines as campus protests raged throughout the nation. Among the encampment's demonstrators were Jews who protested against the actions of the Israeli government, which launched a punishing war in Gaza after Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023, attack. But the voices of Jews upset over what they have described as UCLA's permissive approach to campus antisemitism also rose in protest. Several people who signed the letter bristled as they discussed how the issue of antisemitism was being used by the Trump administration. Dov Waxman, a professor of Israel studies, said that while antisemitism on campus is an issue, it has been 'grossly overstated and exaggerated to serve other political purposes and ideological agendas.' 'Not only is that kind of exploitation manipulative, but it can also foster a cynicism about the issue of campus antisemitism,' he said. 'Because people will say, 'Well, this is just basically a cudgel, there's not an issue at all, and it's just being exploited.'' Beth Ribet, a lecturer at UCLA who teaches about Nazism and white nationalism in the U.S., approaches these issues from a different perspective than many of the other signatories. Ribet, who called herself an 'anti-Zionist Jew,' said there is antisemitism at UCLA — the most violent of which she said was the spring 2024 attack on pro-Palestinian protesters who were Jewish. 'The discussions that the Trump administration and the UCLA administration have propounded about antisemitism represent a profound distortion of its actual meaning,' she said. 'The problem of antisemitism that they are describing does not match what we are experiencing.' As for the letter, Ribet said it captures the 'bare bones that most of the Jews at UCLA would agree with.' Not all the signatories are current or former UCLA faculty, including David Bocarsly. He served as student body president during the 2012-13 academic year. Bocarsly, who is executive director of the Jewish Public Affairs Committee of California, which advocates for the Jewish community with state lawmakers, said the withholding of research funds could make it less safe for Jews on campus. 'Now you're pitting the Jewish community against other vulnerable communities,' he said. 'Immigrant, first-generation, low-income college students will be directly harmed by this ... people who need vital medical care from the university system, people who benefit from the research that the university puts out.' Though the letter has been endorsed by hundreds of academics with varying views on Israel's war in Gaza, there were still some notable holdouts. Some members of the Jewish Faculty Resilience Group and the recently disbanded UCLA Taskforce on Antisemitism and Anti-Israeli Bias did not sign. It's a reflection, in part, of how fraught the issue has been on campus. Also among the prominent UCLA Jews who decided to not sign: Judea Pearl, a computer science professor. An outspoken supporter of Israel who has decried a 'demonization of Zionism' at the university, Pearl was the co-recipient of a $1.2-million National Science Foundation grant suspended in late July. On Aug. 12, under a federal judge's court order, the NSF reinstated the grant, which studies how genetics data in mass medical records can be used to identify potential risk factors for disease. Pearl said he was approached to sign the 'Jews in Defense of UC' letter but declined. 'Signing it would undercut the complaints the Jewish community has raised because this particular letter does not propose any constructive step toward addressing antisemitism and the anti-Zionist culture nourished at UCLA in some departments,' Pearl said. Myers disagreed. He said that he does not 'believe that the [Trump] administration's financial threats have anything to do with fighting antisemitism. That is not the turf on which this battle should be waged.'