
Most Thais believe Hun Sen has ulterior motives, and unjustifiably predicts change of Thai PM
Most Thais believe Cambodian strongman Hun Sen has personal and ulterior motives behind his attempts to stir up border conflicts with Thailand. They also believe that the former PM made an unfounded prediction about a change in Thailand's premiership, according to an opinion survey.
The survey was conducted by the National Institute of Development Administration (Nida Poll) among 1,310 respondents aged 18 and over from across the country. It was held from June 30 to July 2, with the results released on Sunday.
Asked what they thought of Cambodian Senate Speaker Hun Sen's actions related to Thai-Cambodian border tensions (multiple responses allowed), respondents said:
57.25%: Hun Sen is not a trustworthy person.
44.66%: Hun Sen's statements are unreliable.
40.53%: Hun Sen was attempting to sow division among Thais.
25.34%: Hun Sen aimed to seize Thai territory.
18.85%: Hun Sen was interfering in Thailand's internal affairs.
14.12%: Hun Sen was revealing secrets about Thai politics.
9.31%: Hun Sen acted in Cambodia's national interest.
3.36%: Hun Sen acted in the interests of Cambodian people.
1.30%: Hun Sen's remarks were reliable.
0.53%: Hun Sen was trying to resolve Thai-Cambodian conflicts.
When asked how they felt about Hun Sen's prediction that the Thai prime minister would change within three months (multiple responses allowed), they replied:
34.12%: Hun Sen predicted without justification.
33.97%: The prediction was intended to create discord among Thais.
30.31%: It was impossible for Hun Sen to know the next Thai PM, though he could speculate.
25.34%: He merely analysed the Thai political situation.
19.01%: Hun Sen was interfering in Thai domestic affairs.
14.66%: He based the prediction on intelligence reports.
10.69%: He was issuing a warning to PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra.
7.25%: The prediction was credible. -- Report from The Nation Thailand/ANN
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Star
35 minutes ago
- The Star
Thaksin confident Thai court will clear daughter's suspension as PM in ethics case
BANGKOK: Thaksin Shinawatra, the de facto leader of Thailand's ruling party, expects a court to ultimately clear allegations of ethical misconduct against his daughter, Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, who was suspended from office last month. "I'm confident in my daughter's good intentions, and I trust the court will consider the facts with reason,' Thaksin told local broadcaster Nation TV, when asked about the allegations against Paetongtarn. "Everything can be explained.' Paetongtarn is the youngest of Thaksin's three children and the third member of the influential Shinawatra clan to become Thailand's prime minister. She was suspended from office by the country's Constitutional Court until it ruled on a petition by a group of senators, who alleged she had violated ethical standards by blaming the Thai army for escalating a border dispute in a leaked phone call with former Cambodian leader Hun Sen. The premier's suspension was meant to cool the political temperature, Thaksin said, adding her government had adequate support in parliament to carry on business as usual. In the event that Paetongtarn gets ousted by the court, Thaksin's family-backed Pheu Thai Party will either nominate its last prime minister candidate Chaikasem Nitisiri for the top job, or dissolve the parliament to call an early election, he said. The uproar over Paetongtarn's leaked phone call pushed her government to the brink, with the departure of a key coalition partner leaving the ruling coalition with a narrow parliamentary majority. The political turmoil has raised concerns about government stability and added to investor jitters, while trade-reliant Thailand is in talks to avert a punitive 36% US tariff on its exports. Thaksin has wielded significant influence over the Thai government since his return to Thailand in 2023 after 15 years of self-imposed exile. He has shuttled from stage to stage, sharing views on how to fix the country's economy and pitching ideas that would later become government policies. Thaksin said he was "not worried at all' about the outcome of a royal defamation case that he's currently on trial for. If convicted he could potentially be jailed for a maximum of 15 years over comments he made in 2015, shortly after a military coup against his sister Yingluck Shinawatra's government. Thaksin has denied the charges. Separately, a court is investigating whether Thaksin had actually served his royally commuted one-year jail sentence for corruption at a police hospital after returning to the country. - Bloomberg.


Malaysian Reserve
4 hours ago
- Malaysian Reserve
Mahathir at 100: The Man Who Built Malaysia's Tomorrow, Yesterday
By RADZI RAZAK & NURUL NAJMIN ABU BAKAR TUN Dr Mahathir Mohamad has turned 100. And with it, Malaysia is once again reminded of its modern story. The ones of highways, digital corridors, grand dreams and contested legacies that cannot be separated from the man who has now lived a century. He remains, for better or worse as the most influential Malaysian of the post-colonial era. A towering political figure whose belief in rapid industrialisation, social engineering and physical infrastructure reshaped the landscape — literally and ideologically — of an entire nation. In public imagination, Dr Mahathir is often remembered for his combative politics, economic nationalism and tight grip on power. But the physical and economic architecture of Malaysia — the roads, cities, institutions and even national ambitions — still bears his stamp, two decades after he first stepped down. Throughout his first 22-year tenure as prime minister (1981–2003), Dr Mahathir pushed for infrastructural development not as an optional policy area, but as the spine of national transformation. One of his most recognisable achievements is the North–South Expressway, completed in the mid-1990s. At 847 kilometres, it effectively linked the country from the Thai border to Johor Bahru, catalysing the growth of small towns, industrial zones and logistic networks. The highway wasn't just a road — it was a vision of what connectivity could do for nationhood. The project allowed Malaysians to see themselves as part of something bigger than just a region or state. Geostrategist and political commentator Dr Azmi Hassan considers the expressway, along with the new flagship airport — the Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) — to be emblematic of Dr Mahathir's foresight. 'These two projects undertook a lot of criticism at the time. Critics said we didn't need a new airport or a long highway. 'But we know the result now…we desperately needed both. Dr Mahathir had a 10, 20, 30-year vision. If we had waited, the cost would've been astronomical,' he told The Malaysian Reserve (TMR). Other landmark developments followed: the first Penang Bridge (1985), which transformed the island's relationship with the mainland; KLIA (1998), developed in sleepy Sepang and now a major aviation hub; and Putrajaya, a federal administrative capital carved out of plantations and launched as a showcase of modern urban planning. Often mocked at their inception, be it 'too costly, too far, too excessive' but these projects now form the foundation of Malaysia's economic infrastructure. In hindsight, they were long bets that paid off. Journalist and former officer to Dr. Mahathir, Shamsul Akmar Musakamal, argued that these projects were part of a broader strategy to pull Malaysia out of its agrarian past. 'To my mind, Infrastructure development is one of his economic strategies to take the nation out of its agrarian economy. 'These infrastructure projects encompassed not only high rise buildings but included comprehensive communication networks (such as) roads, airports and seaports,' he told TMR. Shamsul said that even the idea of such an approach causing deeper regional or class-based divides is an incongruous thought and irrelevant as he said that today, it is proven that these infrastructures are key components in Malaysia's efforts to move forward. He added that in fact, some are already insufficient to meet present day demands. 'Despite critics questioning the need for such infrastructure when the nation was in some parts still struggling to develop basic infrastructure, the underlying philosophy is that a civilisation is always associated with infrastructural wonders,' he said. In 1991, Dr Mahathir unveiled his most ambitious proposal yet: Vision 2020. A roadmap to make Malaysia a fully developed nation by the year 2020, it combined economic targets with social and cultural aspirations of that of national unity, technological innovation, democratic maturity, and a high-income economy. It was sweeping and audacious. And although the goal was never fully met, it changed how Malaysians thought about their future. The vision gave birth to the Multimedia Super Corridor (MSC) and Cyberjaya, launched in the late 1990s as part of a high-tech push to leapfrog Malaysia into the digital economy. While early momentum waned in the 2000s, both initiatives remain relevant — particularly today, as Cyberjaya repositions itself as a regional data centre hub amid a global AI and cloud computing boom. Malaysia Country Lead for the Asia Group Advisors (AGA) Kamles Kumar noted that Vision 2020, the national car project, and heavy industrialisation were more than economic policies. They were ideological blueprints. 'His successors inherited the machinery but lacked the momentum. Many defaulted to piecemeal reforms or leaned into populism without a grand unifying narrative,' he told TMR. Kamles added that Dr Mahathir's approach was unapologetically top-down, rooted in a belief that political stability, industrialisation, and national pride had to move in tandem. 'His infrastructure push didn't just modernise our skyline — it changed how Malaysia saw itself. Legitimacy came from delivery, not ideology,' he said. As Malaysia stumbled into 2020 — with political upheaval, sluggish reforms and widening inequalities — some revisited the 'what if' question: Would Vision 2020 have been realised if Dr Mahathir had remained in charge uninterrupted? He retired in 2003, passing the baton to successors who diverged significantly from his playbook. A short-lived return to power in 2018 under the Pakatan Harapan coalition was marked more by political turmoil than policy continuity. Supporters argue that the original momentum behind Vision 2020 was lost after his first retirement. Detractors say Dr Mahathir himself bears blame for centralising too much, suppressing dissent, and ignoring structural weaknesses that eventually caught up with the system. But even critics acknowledge his singular ability to drive long-term development. In 2018, at age 92, Dr Mahathir did the unthinkable. He returned — not through Umno, but by leading a new party, Bersatu, into the opposition coalition Pakatan Harapan (PH). Together, they stunned the world by toppling Barisan Nasional in the 14th General Election, ending 61 years of uninterrupted rule. His return was driven by a promise to restore democratic governance, clean up corruption, and bring institutional reform, especially after the fallout of the 1MDB scandal under Datuk Seri Najib Razak. It was, in some ways, a full-circle moment for Dr Mahathir, whose previous rule was often criticised for undermining those very same institutions. Initially hailed as a political masterstroke, his second stint as prime minister (2018–2020) quickly ran aground. Key reform promises stalled. Power struggles resurfaced. Discontent brewed within the coalition. The end came suddenly in February 2020, through what became known as the 'Sheraton Move' — a political realignment that collapsed the PH government and sent Dr Mahathir into political wilderness once more. Bersatu, the party he founded, was seized by factions aligned with Muhyiddin Yassin. The coalition he helped build fragmented. The mandate he reclaimed was lost. For many Malaysians, it was not just the fall of a government that it was the fading of an ideal. The reform moment evaporated, leaving behind cynicism and fatigue. Even into his 90s, Dr Mahathir remained one of the few Malaysian leaders unafraid of spontaneous encounters with the press. Doorstop interviews outside Parliament or at events were routine. No handlers. No press officers cutting off questions. Just Dr Mahathir — sometimes curt, often blunt, but always willing to engage. For journalists, it was equal parts thrill and frustration. 'He'd argue, he'd scold, but he never ran. 'Unlike some who hide behind statements, Dr Mahathir would stop, look you in the eye and say his piece. You don't get that anymore,'said a senior political reporter. It's a small, telling detail — but one that says much about a man whose political stamina often outpaced those half his age. As he reaches 100, Dr Mahathir remains deeply paradoxical. The doctor who preached self-reliance, but created a highly centralised government. The moderniser who reigned in the media. The democrat who detained opponents without trial. The nationalist who welcomed foreign investment — on his own terms. Yet few can deny his lasting impact. His legacy is visible on maps, in policy, and even in the national psyche. He didn't just change the country. He rewired how it saw itself. In an era of risk-averse leadership and short-term thinking, Dr Mahathir's century stands as a reminder of a time when Malaysian politics was about big ideas, for better or worse. And even now, as his influence fades and the nation moves on, Malaysia is still walking the roads he built. Quite literally.


The Star
12 hours ago
- The Star
Palang Pracharath attracts Pheu Thai MPs in major shift
BANGKOK: Palang Pracharath Party has been successfully drawing former Pheu Thai MPs, signalling a shift in political allegiance amid growing disillusionment with the ruling party. The fate of the Pheu Thai Party continues to decline, as both father and daughter, former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra (pic left) and current Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, enter a period of dangerous signals. It comes as no surprise that the NIDA Poll has reflected a sharp drop in the popularity of Paetongtarn and Pheu Thai, especially in the North-East region. As a result, Gen Prawit Wongsuwan (pic right), leader of the Palang Pracharath Party, has appeared more energised, even offering himself as a potential prime minister should legal issues force Thaksin's daughter out, much like the downfall of Srettha Thavisin. Political experts are already predicting that the Palang Pracharath Party will struggle in the next election. However, recent movements in the North-East are proving to be a surprise, reinforcing the countdown to the Paetongtarn administration's possible collapse and the possibility of an early dissolution of parliament. This comes after Santi Promphat, the party's deputy leader, who has occasionally appeared among prominent figures in the blue camp (Bhumjaithai Party) on July 8, announced the Palang Pracharath Party's 21 prospective candidates for parliament. Nearly all of them are former MPs from the North-East region and former Pheu Thai candidates. It has become clear in recent times, following the departure of "Wiwatchai Hotrawaisaya," a former five-term MP from Si Sa Ket and former candidate for the provincial governor of Si Sa Ket, who left Pheu Thai and joined the Palang Pracharath Party. Similarly, "Piyawat Pansaicheua," a former two-term MP from Yasothon under Pheu Thai, has also begun to make his move. The reason former Pheu Thai MPs from the Northeast are abandoning the party is largely due to the controversies surrounding the leaked audio clip between Prime Minister Paetongtarn and former Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, as well as the situation along the Thai-Cambodian border. Another factor is the dissolution of the party's quota system for ministers—once based on regional or provincial quotas. Particularly with the reshuffle of Paetongtarn's Cabinet, the ministerial slots now seem to favour political allies and business interests. The lack of attention from the "Big Boss" (Thaksin) to MPs who had once been the backbone of election campaigns has proven to be the final straw, prompting many to leave as they assess the diminishing prospects of Pheu Thai, with the government now seemingly in a countdown to its end. NIDA Poll's latest survey, conducted in the second quarter of 2025, reveals that the popularity of Paetongtarn and Pheu Thai has plummeted, especially in the Northeast. The party's support in this region has dropped significantly. Meanwhile, the rising popularity of "Gen Boonsin Phadkhlang," the Commander of the 2nd Army, a descendant from the Northeast, who has vowed to protect the nation's sovereignty, has deepened the sense of disillusionment among the people of the Northeast toward the Pheu Thai Party. For over two decades, the people of the Northeast have supported Thaksin's political parties, from Thai Rak Thai to Palang Prachachon and Pheu Thai. However, at this moment, they are facing a crisis of faith. Since mid-June 2025, Pheu Thai supporters in Si Sa Ket's Sriratana district were taken by surprise when "Sia Phu," Wiwatchai Hotrawaisaya, opened a new office with Palang Pracharath Party signage. Many still remember the image of Thaksin leading a large campaign team earlier this year to support Wiwatchai, who was running for the position of Provincial Administrative Organisation President of Si Sa Ket under Pheu Thai. On Jan 25, 2025, Thaksin made a public plea during a campaign speech in Kantharalak: 'Phu (Wiwatchai) has been with me since Thai Rak Thai, never wavering or switching sides. Please vote for Phu on my behalf.' However, Thaksin's plea had little influence as "Sia Phu" lost to the incumbent, Wichit Traisaranakul, in a landslide, leading to the mocking phrase "Thaksin's charm is fading." The Hotrawaisaya family is a local business dynasty from Ubon Ratchathani, with two family members having served as MPs for the province—Phaitoon Hotrawaisaya and Phulsawat Hotrawaisaya. Wiwatchai relocated his family from Ubon Ratchathani to establish a business in Sriratana, Si Sa Ket, where he entered local politics and became an MP for his first term under Thai Rak Thai. In the last Si Sa Ket election, Wiwatchai was defeated by Thana Kitpaiboonchai of the Palang Pracharath Party, who is the nephew of Wichit Traisaranakul, the Si Sa Ket Provincial Administrative Organization President. "Sia Phu" Wiwatchai has also convinced his former colleague, Piyawat Pansaicheua, a former MP from Yasothon, to swap his red shirt for Palang Pracharath. Piyawat, who lost in the last election for the Yasothon 1 constituency to the new female politician Supaporn Salabsri from the Thai Sang Thai Party, is now looking to make a shift. Supaporn is preparing to change parties in the next election and is expected to run under Pheu Thai instead of Piyawat. Supaporn and two other MPs from Thai Sang Thai are supporting Thakorn Tantasith, a party-list MP, to support Paetongtarn's second Cabinet, resulting in Thakorn's son, Chantawit, being appointed as Deputy Minister of Commerce. The flow of former Pheu Thai MPs from the Northeast to Palang Pracharath, regardless of their personal reasons, reflects the broader reality that Pheu Thai's momentum is faltering. The "Thaksin charm" truly appears to be losing its grip. - The Nation/ANN