China Arms Pakistan With J-35A Stealth Jets: Is India Ready For A Two-Front Missile War?
New Delhi: Pakistan's airpower ambitions are drawing global attention. Much like Iran's aggressive missile capabilities that recently rattled Israel, Islamabad is steadily enhancing its arsenal. And with Chinese support, its edge may soon sharpen further.
Pakistan already fields a mix of Shaheen, Abdali, Ghaznavi, Ghauri and the long-range Shaheen-3 ballistic missiles – some capable of reaching targets over 2,500 kilometeres away. Now, Beijing is preparing to transfer its fifth-generation stealth fighter, the J-35A, to Islamabad. This aircraft's radar-evading profile, long-range strike capability and networked combat systems could pose new challenges for Indian defense planners.
Experts warn that Islamabad could deploy the J-35A to bases in Skardu (Baltistan), Karach or Gwadar. From these forward locations, the aircraft could threaten critical Indian military infrastructure in Jammu, Rajasthan and Gujarat.
Paired with Pakistan's Ra'ad-II cruise missiles, the J-35A would gain standoff attack capability – the ability to strike deep into Indian territory without entering contested airspace.
The J-35A, based on China's FC-31 'Gyrfalcon', is a twin-engine, single-seat stealth fighter with a combat range of approximately 1,200 kilometres. It is expected to carry advanced Beyond Visual Range (BVR) missiles like the PL-15 or PL-17, offering strike radii of 200 to 300 kilometres. Its integration with drones, AWACS, and ground-based radars gives it a multi-domain warfare profile. If Pakistan acquires 30-40 units by 2028 as anticipated, its air force will gain a significant leap in strike and defense capabilities.
The threat multiplies when considering a possible dual-front scenario. The J-35A's deployment alongside China's J-20 stealth jets near the LAC could force India into a two-theatre conflict posture. Experts believe that such developments demand urgent upgrades to India's air defense infrastructure.
Enter Russia's S-500 'Prometheus' air defense system. A successor to the S-400, the S-500 is designed to counter advanced aerial threats. It can intercept ballistic missiles travelling at speeds of up to Mach 19, neutralise stealth aircraft using low-frequency radar and even take down satellites in low-earth orbit.
Key features of the S-500 include:
Ballistic Missile Defense: Capable of intercepting hypersonic projectiles at altitudes up to 200 km and ranges up to 600 km.
Anti-Stealth Detection: The 91N6A(M) and 77N6-N/N1 interceptor missiles can track low-RCS targets like the J-35A at distances beyond 400 km.
Anti-Satellite Capability: Can disable satellites used for ISR and missile guidance, disrupting networks that Pakistan might rely on.
Multi-Target Engagement: Able to engage over ten aerial and ballistic targets simultaneously.
Mobility: High-wheel platforms allow rapid deployment along both LoC and LAC.
In May, during the peak of cross-border skirmishes, the S-400 showcased its prowess by downing a Pakistani AWACS 314 km inside enemy airspace. With the S-500, India could extend this coverage and neutralise threats before they even cross the border.
India already possesses five regiments of the S-400. By supplementing them with 2-3 S-500 units, New Delhi can create an interlinked air defense grid. This could secure critical urban centres like Delhi, Mumbai and Bengaluru, as well as forward airbases and strategic installations.
S-500 vs J-35A: Why India Needs It
The S-500's radar and AI tracking system are designed to expose and lock onto stealth aircraft like the J-35A. Its multi-target engagement makes coordinated attacks using drones or AWACS less effective. It can intercept cruise and hypersonic missiles before they reach Indian airspace. Its satellite interception capacity threatens the ISR systems guiding Pakistani and Chinese operations.
Military analysts caution that if India delays integrating the S-500 into its Integrated Air Defence Command (IADC), it risks falling behind. Pakistan's acquisition of the J-35A would tilt the balance. But if India acts decisively, it could nullify threats from both Islamabad and Beijing with a single system.
The next few years may well determine whether India can stay ahead in an increasingly contested airspace.
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Simply put, it is the level of income used as a cut-off point for deciding who is poor in any economy. It is important to note here that the context (both time period and location) is critical to arriving at a meaningful poverty line. For instance, an Indian receiving a salary of Rs 1,000 a month may not have been considered poor in 1975, but today that income (Rs 33 a day) will barely buy anything. Similarly, a monthly salary of Rs 1,00,000 (or Rs 3,333 a day) in today's Patna will be comfortable for a person to live by, but the same salary in Paris or New York may not buy the same lifestyle. Since there is no one level of poverty — what is a comfortable level for one is just okay for another and barely enough for the third — one can create several poverty lines to match the context and analytical use. Governments, especially in developing and poor countries, want to identify the extent of poverty in their countries. This has two uses. One, to help them gauge the extent of poverty and shape welfare policies for the poor. The second use is for governments, policymakers and analysts to understand whether a set of policies has actually worked over time to reduce poverty and improve wellbeing. Historically, India had been a leader in poverty estimation and India's poverty line methodology and data collection influenced the rest of the world in how to study poverty. However, India's last officially recognised poverty line was in 2011-12. It was built on a 2009 formula suggested by a committee led by noted Delhi School economist Suresh Tendulkar. Since then, there has been no update on the method. In 2014, a committee led by former RBI Governor C Rangarajan was commissioned to provide a new method, but this recommendation was never officially accepted. 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