
Immigration detainee who allegedly attacked two prison guards and sparked a manhunt is finally caught
An immigration detainee who allegedly attacked two border force officers before escaping a van has been arrested following a two-day manhunt.
Police were called to Clyde in western Sydney about 3.40am on Thursday following reports a male officer, 54, had been stabbed in the neck and cheek.
A second male officer, 36, was also assaulted, with both rushed to hospital.
NSW Police said the officers were transporting 28-year-old Tongan National Paea Teu from Villawood to Sydney Airport when the alleged incident occurred.
Teu allegedly escaped the van, sparking a two-day manhunt that ended on Friday after he was spotted at a home in Eschol Park in Sydney's southwest.
He was arrested by police and later charged with causing wounding/grievous bodily harm to a person with intent to murder and wounding a person with intent to cause grievous bodily harm.
He was refused bail and is due to appear in Parramatta Local Court on Saturday.
A 24-year-old woman was also arrested at the home and was charged with knowingly harbouring, maintaining or employing an escaped inmate.
She was granted bail and is expected to appear at Campbelltown Local Court on Thursday.
NSW Police have said inquiries remain ongoing.

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Telegraph
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Telegraph
an hour ago
- Telegraph
Prisoner yelled ‘who wants it?' before hurling boiling water at guard
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The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
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Now something like this may be unfolding in California, where the state governor, Gavin Newsom, has accused the president of trying to 'manufacture a crisis' for his own ends and warned that any protester responding with violence is only playing into his hands. Suddenly, the idea that this presidency could ultimately end in civil conflict no longer seems quite so wildly overblown as it once did. Or to put it another way, Trump has got what he wanted, which is for everyone to switch channels: to stop gawping at his embarrassing fallout with Elon Musk over unfunded tax cuts, and flick over to the rival spectacle he has hastily created. After a brief interruption to scheduled programming, the great showman is back in control. But in the meantime, the world has learned something useful about who wins in a standoff between two giant egos, one of whom has all the money and the other of whom has all the executive power. In US oligarchies just as in Russian ones, it turns out, it's presidents who still get to set the agenda. You can't ride the tiger. That's the lesson here: once populism has grasped the levers of power, even the richest man in the world cannot be sure of exploiting it for his own ends, or imposing his own agenda on the chaos. Not when a vengeful White House still has the power to destroy even the most powerful business empire, anyway. At the weekend, Musk meekly deleted explosive tweets about the president's alleged relationship with the convicted sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein, and by Monday he was loyally sharing Trumpian messages about the LA protests. His father, meanwhile, tactfully blamed the outburst on Musk Junior being 'tired' after five months working round the clock for the White House. That ought to ring some bells on this side of the Atlantic. For oddly enough, it's the same excuse offered up by Zia Yusuf, the millionaire businessman brought in to professionalise Reform UK's perennially chaotic operation, who last week quit as chair in exasperation. Trying to get the party into power was no longer a 'good use of his time', he tweeted, after publicly clashing with its newest MP, Sarah Pochin, over her decision to ask a question in parliament about banning burqas (which isn't officially Reform policy, or at least not yet). Yusuf, a British Muslim, has long been seen as Farage's trusted bulwark against those inside Reform desperate to pick up where the jailed thug Stephen Yaxley-Lennon left off, and to become a full-blown, far-right anti-Islam movement. But this time, it seems, Yusuf may have bitten off more than the boss was ready to chew. A whole two days after storming out, Yusuf ended up storming awkwardly back in, telling the BBC that actually, having thought about it, he probably would ban burqas and other face coverings. He had just been exhausted, he suggested, after barely having a day off in 11 months. (If nothing else, it seems Reform really means what it says about fighting back against modern HR practices.) To be fair to him, even Farage seems to find the process of trying to control his parties exhausting at times, judging by the regularity with which he has taken breaks from them over the years. While Yusuf won't return as chair, he will now join Reform's so-called British Doge, supposedly taking a Musk-style chainsaw to council spending – which sounds like a breeze compared with managing Reform MPs. Until, that is, you reflect on how exactly Doge has turned out across the Atlantic. The reason parts of Silicon Valley were quietly enthusiastic about their fellow tech tycoon's slash and burn approach to US bureaucracy was that they saw profitable method in the madness: a plan to hack the state back to the bare minimum, opening up new markets for digital services and unleashing (or so they hoped) a new wave of economic growth by slashing national debt. Five months on, however, it's clear that any Doge savings will be utterly dwarfed by Trump's forecast to send national debt soaring to uncharted and potentially unsustainable highs. Any tech titan hoping for the US equivalent of Margaret Thatcher on steroids, in other words, has ended up with Liz Truss after one too many espressos instead – plus troops on the streets of California and the slowly dawning realisation that, as the billionaire venture capitalist Michael Moritz put it, they have 'no sway' over what they unleashed. There will be plenty of people back in Britain who couldn't care less about obscure comings and goings in the Reform party, even as its poll lead means it's starting to make the political weather. Others simply don't expect it to affect their lives much either way if Reform permanently supplants a Conservative party from which it already seems hard to distinguish, and a few may already be calculating that they can turn its rise to their own advantage. Yet what the last few frightening days in the US have demonstrated is that once populism has its feet firmly enough under the table, chaos wins. There's no ability to belatedly impose order, no house-training it either. All you can do is deny it a room in the house in the first place. In Britain, at least, it's not too late for that. Gaby Hinsliff is a Guardian columnist