The Taliban take over Afghanistan's only luxury hotel, more than a decade after attacking it
The Taliban are taking over the operations of Afghanistan's only luxury hotel in Kabul, more than a decade after they launched a deadly attack there that killed nine people.
The Serena Hotel said Friday it was closing its operations in the Afghan capital on Feb. 1, with the Hotel State Owned Corporation taking over. The corporation is overseen by the finance ministry.
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3 days ago
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Uzbekistan Builds Where the West Withdrew
Uzbekistan's interest in connectivity with Afghanistan is driven by economic opportunity, energy cooperation, security needs, and geopolitical strategy - factors that will help Uzbekistan access new markets and stabilize the region. Ambassador Javlon Vakhabov of the International Institute for Central Asia in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, calls it 'Stability Through Connectivity.' That is, Uzbekistan favors pragmatism over trying to isolate Afghanistan, and a policy that balances humanitarian support and regional security. The Central Asia republics (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, the Kyrgyz Republic, and Turkmenistan) were on the border of the wars in Afghanistan, i.e., the Afghan civil war (1992-1996, 1996-2001) and the U.S.-led NATO occupation (2001 – 2021), which they consider 'lost decades' of economic growth and social development. The republics' leaders know they and Afghanistan are 'neighbors forever' and do not have the luxury of retreating to North America if things go wrong, so policy must acknowledge geography. Uzbekistan's engagement with the Taliban began long before NATO evacuated Afghanistan in August 2021. In 1997, then-Uzbek president Islam Karimov proposed the Six plus Two Group on Afghanistan,which grew from an understanding that dialogue and a political settlement, nor armed force, was the path to peace. The group was unable to persuade the warring sides – the Taliban and the United Front (formerly the Northern Alliance) – to pursue a March 2018, Uzbekistan hosted the Tashkent Conference that urged direct peace talks without preconditions between the Taliban and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Unfortunately, the Taliban said it would only negotiate with the United States, the "foreign occupying force,' and demanded the departure of foreign troops before the start of negotiations. In July 2022, Tashkent hosted a conference on Afghanistan, attended by representatives of 30 countries. It was an opportunity for the international community to take the measure of Taliban officials and for the Taliban to encourage investment in Afghanistan and seek the release of Afghan assets seized by the West after the fall of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The tone of the event was forward-looking, but Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev, '…reiterated the international community's conditions for formal diplomatic recognition, namely 'forming a broad representation of all layers of the Afghan society in state governance, ensuring basic human rights and freedoms, especially of women and all ethnic and confessional groups.'' Tashkent has consistently called for engaging with Taliban-run Afghanistan, including unfreezing the $9 billion in state assets that were seized by American and European authorities after the ouster of the Kabul government in August 2021 Central Asia is a water-stressed region and Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan are in the 'severe water stress' category. The construction of the Qosh Tepa canal in Afghanistan threatened to increase tensions between the Taliban-led Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan by reducing the water flow of the Amu Darya River by 15-20% - a disaster for Central Asia agriculture. (In Uzbekistan, agriculture accounts for 25% of GDP and about 26% of the labor force.) In April 2025, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan agreed to cooperate in sharing the water resources in the Amu Darya River Basin. The republics are concerned as 'a significant reduction in the Amu Darya's flow could lead to ecosystem degradation, increased soil salinity, and deteriorating living conditions for populations downstream…[and] could hinder efforts to restore the Aral Sea and further exacerbate the region's environmental challenges.' Though Uzbekistan has not recognized the government of Taliban-run Afghanistan, the agreement on transboundary water resources demonstrates bilateral relations are becoming 'increasingly institutionalized.' Tashkent prioritizes its interests to address not just water resources but the threat of terrorist groups, 20 of which may be sheltering in Afghanistan. This effort will require serious diplomacy by all parties and is an opportunity for Uzbekistan (and the U.S.) to provide technical assistance to ensure the canal is built to minimize excessive water loss and soil salinization. Uzbekistan should take the opportunity to substitute crops less thirsty than cotton for the country's growing textile sector which plans to grow textile exports to $10 billion, and continue to import cotton from Turkey, China, and Bangladesh. (Uzbekistan also imports cotton from Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan but should take the opportunity to lead the region away from crops that deplete its water supply.) One step to peacefully resolve the water problem is to make Afghanistan a party to the 1992 Almaty Agreement which regulates water allocations based on the Soviet-era shares of water among the then-Soviet Central Asia republics. The agreement is implemented by the Interstate Commission for Water Coordination of Central Asia (ICWC) and making Afghanistan a member of the ICWC is a way to make it part of the solution and not the problem. It will teach the Taliban the 'rules of the road' in Central Asia and ensure the republics' officials have a clear understanding of Taliban personalities, motivations, and priorities. Other connectivity initiatives are: The Termez free economic zone which offers a 2-week visa for Afghan visitors and features a customs office, a hotel, storage facilities, and capacity to handle 100,000 trucks and 900,000 tons of goods a year. Trans-Afghan railway, a $7 billion, 765-kilometer link to Pakistan's ports that is expected to cut transport costs by 30–40%. And Uzbekistan may soon conduct preliminary studies on extending the railway from Hairatan to Herat, a jumping-off point for trade with Iran and Turkmenistan. Surkhan–Puli-Khumri Power Line, a 1,000 MW line to support electrification of Afghan transport, and that may potentially link to the CASA-1000 power project, a joint venture between Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. (Uzbekistan is already the leading exporter of electricity to Afghanistan, supplying nearly 60% of Afghanistan's electricity imports.) Once operational, the line will increase Uzbekistan's electricity exports to Afghanistan by 70%, delivering up to 24 million kWh daily or 6 billion kWh annually. The project spans 245.6 kilometers, with 45 kilometers on Uzbek territory—already completed—and 200.6 kilometers in Afghanistan. The capacity of this line will not only enhance power availability but also facilitate the electrification of the Hairatan–Mazar-i-Sharif railroad, reducing transportation costs by replacing diesel-powered trains with cleaner electric locomotives. Uzbekistan sees many opportunities in Afghanistan and in 2024 trade climbed to $1.1 billion, most of that exports from Uzbekistan. There are commercial opportunities to be sure, but Tashkent does not want to contain Afghanistan, but to use it as a regional bridge, and not just for trade. There are concerns Afghanistan is a potential source of future transnational terrorism, though that may be stymied by intelligence sharing between the Taliban and the U.S., who share concerns about the Al-Qaeda (AQ) and the Islamic State – Khorasan Province (IS-K) presence in Afghanistan. More trade will not necessarily make Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State change their policies but more economic opportunity may make it harder for them to find recruits, and efforts like funding madrassas in Afghanistan may help detoxify the educational system. And the Taliban can build legitimacy if they are seen to be putting the peoples' welfare first by encouraging trade and business. That won't be favored by the U.S., but after two decades of mayhem in the Hindu Kush, much instigated by America, Washington should encourage action – by anyone - that allows Afghanistan to build infrastructure and make money by means other than poppy cultivation. Outside meddling in Afghanistan usually leads to tears, but if Tashkent can work with the moderate, outward-looking Taliban based in Kabul that want to improve the economy, it may subtly tip the balance against the hard-liners in Kandahar. (Yes, Siraj Haqqani and Mullah Omar are the 'moderates' but that is where we are right now.) Uzbekistan may have a role in the future exploitation of critical minerals in Central Asia and can help the U.S. build a secure critical mineral supply chain. According to Visual Capitalist, 'Out of the 50 minerals deemed critical by the U.S. government, the U.S. is 100% reliant on imports for 12 of them, and over 50% reliant for another 321 critical minerals.' Central Asia and Afghanistan are endowed with critical minerals but their isolated location presents a difficult transport problem. Also, mining and processing rare earths requires a lot of water which is in short supply in the region, though a new Chinese technology may triple production speed and reduce pollution, but will put China in a key position, something the U.S. will probably oppose. Andrew Korybko notes that partial completion of the Trans-Afghan railway may still benefit the republics if they can backhaul Afghanistan's minerals for processing in the republics or in Russia or China. The republics will need to secure investment for local, sustainable processing of the minerals (with off-take agreements), but Washington and Brussels must make serious offers to keep the stuff out of Russian and Chinese hands. (Exhortations by Washington to 'do the right thing' and not sell to China and Russia, backed by the hint of sanctions, are a tax on Central Asia and only diminish America's standing in the region.) Uzbekistan, a double-landlocked country, faces hurdles accessing global markets. Connectivity with Afghanistan offers a pathway to South Asia, particularly through Pakistan's seaports Karachi and Gwadar, though Uzbekistan is improving trade relations with Iran as its ports Bandar Abbas and Chabahar, and access to the North-South Transport Corridor, are 'Plan B' if the trans-Afghan route is untenable. Over the past decade, Tashkent has sought to make Central Asia a 'safe neighborhood,' and many of Uzbekistan's priorities, such as peacefully settling border disputes with the neighboring republics and encouraging a broad-based government in Kabul, are shared by Washington, but the Central Asia republics have a broader definition of the regional security, one that is grounded in diplomacy human development, and trade, and that includes trade and normal political relations with Russia, China, Iran, and Afghanistan. Central Asian is no longer a platform for the NATO campaign against the Taliban, but will it become a platform to engage the Taliban, who probably aren't going anywhere despite Washington's ongoing economic warfare. In April, Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev announced he is ready to work with the European Union (EU) and other international partners to support Afghanistan's development 'to overcome the current crises,' a policy that was welcomed by the Taliban. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa, President of the European Council, visited Uzbekistan in April with the intent, in von der Leyen's words, 'to take our partnership with Central Asia to the next level.' Aside from the standard fare of promoting European foreign direct investment to the region, securing access to critical minerals, and promoting educational exchanges, Central Asia's putative European partners should move smartly to work with the republics to ensure Afghanistan a productive member of the region and no longer a source of terrorism and narcotics. The failed NATO mission in Afghanistan, though it included European troops, is seen as an American loss, giving Europe more post-war maneuver room in Central Asia. And Europe will rely more than America on East-West trade from Asia via the Belt and Road and the Middle Corridor, so it may be the right partner right now for Central Asia. But the Central Asian republics aren't waiting for the EU and international partners to get to work. In May 2025, shortly after Mirziyoyev's announcement, Tashkent commissioned the Termez Dialogue on Connectivity Between Central and South Asia as a permanent platform for regional connectivity. Uzbekistan and Afghanistan both favor an 'economy first' policy with their neighbors, which the republics call "acceptance of reality" in the wake of the West's failed nation-building project in Afghanistan. The same week the republics' delegates convened in Termez, Uzbekistan to plan to boost Central and South Asian connectivity, Pakistan, China and Afghanistan agreed to expand the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) to Afghanistan. CPEC has fallen short of the partners' expectations, so it remains to be seen if including Afghanistan is a smart move or will just burn more of China's money. And on the heels of the Termez meeting, Iran and China launched a railway route from Xian in western China to the Aprin dry port near Iran's capital, Tehran. The route will reportedly cut travel time from 30 days via sea to 15 days and will avoid the Strait of Malacca and the Hormuz Strait, chokepoints the U.S. Navy hoped to exploit in future conflicts. The route will not pass through Afghanistan but is Beijing's vote of confidence in the region as a connectivity space. Uzbekistan and the other Central Asia republics helped NATO in Afghanistan but it was all for naught, so now it's time for get back to basics - economic and social development - via initiatives like the Uzbekistan 2030 Strategy, and promoting good governance and increasing civic engagement through initiatives like the Center for Progressive Reforms. Washington should focus on how it can assist these sorts of efforts by the republics and not be distracted and agitated by their commonsense wish to not isolate neighboring Afghanistan. By James Durso for More Top Reads From this article on
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7 days ago
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Alex Marquardt's exit from CNN 'obviously' tied to network's costly defamation trial, insiders say
CNN parted ways with its chief national security correspondent, Alex Marquardt, Monday and many of his now-former colleagues say it's "obviously" tied to the network's costly defamation trial earlier this year. "Obviously, the court case is a core reason why, that is obvious," one CNN insider told Fox News Digital. Marquardt was at the center of a defamation case brought against him and CNN in January by U.S. Navy veteran Zachary Young. A Florida jury found that CNN defamed Young and ruled that he could seek punitive damages as a result of a November 2021 report by Marquardt. The report branded Young as a shady profiteer who exploited "desperate Afghans" trying to flee Afghanistan during the Biden administration's chaotic military withdrawal from the Taliban-run country, implying Young was operating on a "black market." Alex Marquardt Out At Cnn After Eight Years; Reporter Was As The Center Of Costly Defamation Trial The jury had initially awarded Young $5 million in financial and emotional damages before Young and CNN reached an undisclosed settlement, suggesting the network gave Young significantly more money. The jury foreman later told Fox News Digital they were prepared to make CNN pay "somewhere in the neighborhood of $50 million to $100 million" in punitive damages. Cnn Defamation Trial: Losing Case Expected But Still A Bad Bruise For The Network, Insider Says Read On The Fox News App "He has not done anything else that is wrong. So if he was terminated, that has to be a core reason why. It's just the logical thing," the CNN staffer said. Despite the certainty among CNN staff that Marquardt's departure was directly linked to Young's settlement, they remained puzzled by the timing since it came nearly five months after the trial. The first staffer said, "I'm not sure how much strategizing is going into things these days." It seemed like Marquardt was in good standing with CNN even after the trial as he continued making regular on-air appearances, most recently last Tuesday. He even served as a fill-in anchor on Memorial Day. "Alex is on our air because he is an experienced, veteran reporter with valuable insights on the news," a CNN spokesperson told Fox News Digital in late January after the trial. But according to the Status newsletter, Marquardt's dismissal was the result of a "post-settlement ethics compliance review" launched by CNN earlier this year in which he and others involved in the defamatory report were interviewed. Marquardt was informed about the network's decision on Friday, citing "unspecified editorial differences." The bar for proving defamation in court is historically high as many lawsuits are either dismissed or result in a settlement before going to trial. Young's lawsuit against CNN was a rare instance where a jury did find the network liable for defamation, yet a settlement was later reached. Perhaps it was because of the damning evidence Young's legal team gathered during discovery, much of it involving Marquardt himself. "[W]e gonna nail this Zachary Young mf---er," Marquardt told a colleague in a 2021 message exchange before finishing the report. That comment was repeatedly referenced by Young's attorneys throughout the trial. "I always thought he was a professional. But those internal messages left CNN with no other choice," a second CNN staffer told Fox News Digital. Cnn's Alex Marquardt Hesitant To Admit He Made Money Covering War Zones: 'I Don't Go There To Get Paid' The second CNN staffer insisted, "It's hard in my mind not to make a connection" between Marquardt's abrupt exit and the defamation trial. "He was a chief correspondent. A chief. There was no send off. Nothing like that at all. It all went into the quiet goodnight," the second CNN insider said. "He was a great reporter in the field, really good in war zones. That's what makes it a shame." Marquardt was vague about his sudden exit from CNN, posting on X, "Some personal news: I'm leaving CNN after 8 terrific years. Tough to say goodbye but it's been an honor to work among the very best in the business. Profound thank you to my comrades on the National Security team & the phenomenal teammates I've worked with in the US and abroad." CNN declined to comment, citing a policy not to discuss "personnel matters." The network did not respond to additional requests for comment. Marquardt did not respond to requests for comment. In a post-trial interview, Young said he hadn't forgiven Marquardt, calling him out for remaining defiant on the witness stand at the trial. "We've given Mr. Marquardt plenty of opportunities during deposition and then again at trial to apologize. And, you know, the answer was no," Young told Fox News Digital. "He still stands behind his work. He's very proud of what he did. His hit piece on me to destroy my life." "He's not my biggest fan," Young added. On the witness stand, Marquardt insisted his report was not a "hit piece" on Young and that he was proud of his work. "I wasn't looking to take anyone down. I didn't take anyone down," Marquardt testified. Cnn Defamation Trial: Plaintiff Accuses Network Of Faking Critical Phone Call For 'Theater' CNN issued an on-air apology in March 2022 after Young threatened to take legal action. But throughout the trial, Marquardt and several CNN staffers testified they didn't feel the apology was necessary. CNN senior vice president Adam Levine admitted to the jurors that the apology was merely a legal decision. "Alex Marquardt had put in an email, 'I'm going to nail this Zachary Young.' At that point it seemed as though he had put a target on Mr. Young's back, and he was not going to let up until he reached his goal… It was obvious to the entire jury that he was out to get him," jury foreman Katy Svitenko told Fox News Digital in February. That was the moment Svitenko decided it was defamation with malice. "The jury pretty much agreed… those emails among the CNN employees were pretty bad. And not just one, it was several, at various levels throughout the corporation," she said. Fox News' Brian Flood contributed to this report. Original article source: Alex Marquardt's exit from CNN 'obviously' tied to network's costly defamation trial, insiders say
Yahoo
7 days ago
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Sir Bill O'Brien, miner and Labour MP who twice took on Arthur Scargill and won
Sir Bill O'Brien, who has died aged 96, was a Yorkshire miner who became a Labour MP and front-bench spokesman after twice getting the better of Arthur Scargill. A face worker at Glasshoughton Colliery, branch secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers and a political moderate, O'Brien first fell foul of the Yorkshire miners' Marxist leader in 1976 when he co-operated with the Sheffield Star in a libel case brought against it by Scargill over alleged favouritism in his deployment of pickets during a strike two years before. The NUM's Scargill-dominated Yorkshire executive accused O'Brien and Tom Roebuck, former branch secretary at Manvers Main Colliery, of letting the paper's solicitors see confidential correspondence between Scargill and their branches, and suspended them from office for two years. O'Brien and Roebuck took the NUM to court. Representing them, Derry Irvine, the future Labour Lord Chancellor, argued that Scargill had been out for 'a conviction at all costs' to punish them for their 'temerity'. He had compiled a report on their actions five days after winning his case – and £3,000 in damages – then chaired the disciplinary hearings himself. Judge Rubin ruled that the suspensions were a contempt of court, and granted injunctions lifting them. The executive retaliated by ignoring an order to pay the men's costs. O'Brien took on Scargill again in the run-up to the 1983 election, when the veteran Labour MP for Normanton, Albert Roberts, retired. The hard Left in the NUM saw a chance to boost its influence at Westminster by replacing Roberts, who had supported the Spanish dictator General Franco, with one of their own. But O'Brien, who listed one of his recreations in Who's Who as 'organising', rounded up delegates to defeat Scargill's nominee, Henry Daley, and instal O'Brien himself as candidate instead; he was duly elected. Despite his antipathy to Scargill, O'Brien steadfastly supported the miners during the painful and divisive strike of 1984-85. He condemned pit closures as stemming from lack of investment in 99 per cent of cases, and pressed for arbitration to bring the dispute to an end. O'Brien had nine years on the Labour front bench, as a spokesman first on the environment and then Northern Ireland. A solid performer – though some said bumbling – he staunchly opposed abortion, and voted against televising the Commons. He was also one of the MPs who in 1988 could not help overhearing the 'high old time' enjoyed by their colleague 'Afghan' Ron Brown and his female researcher in a male-only Commons shower cubicle. William O'Brien was born in Castleford on January 25 1929 and brought up in the town, attending St Joseph's Roman Catholic school (he would later gain an education degree from Leeds University). He went down the pit at 16, joining the Labour Party as well as the NUM. He first took on the Left in the union in 1973, when he stood for Yorkshire secretary against Owen Briscoe, a Scargill ally. He lost, but his challenge was not forgotten. O'Brien was elected to Wakefield council the same year, chairing its finance committee and becoming its deputy leader. He was also a Wakefield JP. He became MP for the heavily redrawn Normanton constituency in 1983, when Labour's majority of 4,143 was its lowest for half a century; the outcome was never that close again. His first action at Westminster was to nominate Roy Hattersley as leader against Neil Kinnock. In 1987 he was one of 16 defiantly working-class MPs to join the 'Rambo tendency' semi-humorously founded by Joe Ashton to offset the number of academics and the like on the Labour benches. He had put in sound work on the Public Accounts Committee and the Energy Select Committee, and that summer Kinnock made him an environment spokesman. O'Brien led the charge against a Bill restricting the rights of council employees to take part in party politics, a measure he said infringed civil liberties. In November 1990, between Sir Geoffrey Howe's dramatic resignation speech and Michael Heseltine's challenge that toppled Margaret Thatcher, O'Brien urged Michael Portillo, the local government minister, to 'line up with Heseltine and say let's scrap the poll tax altogether'. Around this time, he helped win £14,000 compensation from the Home Office for a woman constituent with psychiatric problems who had been detained for 16 months for a murder she did not commit. She had been remanded on charges of killing her father, and was only transferred from prison to a secure mental unit after protests from O'Brien. After her conviction was quashed she was moved to a hospital. Replacing Kinnock after the 1992 election, John Smith moved O'Brien to Labour's Northern Ireland team. By the time Tony Blair returned him to the back benches in 1996, government contacts with Sinn Fein – supported by Labour once they became public – had made peace in the province a real possibility. Pit closures continued throughout O'Brien's 22 years in the Commons. In 1993 he took up complaints from householders near Sharlston Colliery about subsidence caused by work on the final seam before it was to close. From 1997 to 2005, he served on the Environment, Transport and Regions Select Committee. He gave up his seat aged 76 at the 2005 election, with Ed Balls, Gordon Brown's right-hand man, taking his place. He was knighted in 2010, in Brown's resignation Honours. Bill O'Brien married Jean; they had three daughters. Bill O'Brien, born January 25 1929, died May 18 2025 Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
