
Reform UK struggles to find friends to share council power
Reform UK's success in the recent local elections has propelled many councillors with limited or no political experience into council chambers across England.While Reform UK's rise was the big story of those elections, almost half of the councils up for grabs were not won outright by any single party.That means many of those newbie councillors are now navigating so-called hung councils, where parties with little in common often work together to get the business of local government done.But so far, it hasn't panned out that way for Reform UK, which isn't involved in any formal coalitions, pacts or deals in areas where there were local elections this year.This was despite rampant speculation about Reform-Conservative coalitions ahead of the polls, with party leaders Kemi Badenoch and Nigel Farage not ruling out council deals.So, what's going on?
Minority rule
In some places - Warwickshire, Worcestershire and Leicestershire - Reform UK has enough councillors to form minority administrations and is attempting to govern alone.In other areas where coalitions were possible, Reform UK has either shunned co-operation or vice versa. Where Reform UK has explored potential partnerships locally, its policies have been viewed with suspicion by the established parties.In Cornwall, the Liberal Democrats, Labour and the Conservatives refused to work with Reform UK, even though it was the biggest party and had won the most seats.Instead, the Lib Dems teamed up with independent councillors to run Cornwall Council as a minority administration.That infuriated Reform UK's group leader in Cornwall, Rob Parsonage, who branded the coalition deal "undemocratic" and "a total stitch-up".Did other parties contrive to exclude Reform UK? The newly minted Lib Dem council leader, Leigh Frost, does not think so."The reality is our core values at heart of it just stand for two very different things and it makes working together incompatible," Frost told the BBC."And then Reform was given two weeks to try to form an administration and chose not to."
Frost said Reform UK's Cornwall candidates mainly campaigned on immigration.This was echoed in conversations with other local party leaders across the country. The BBC was told Reform's candidates had little local policy to offer and mostly focused on national issues, such as stopping small boats crossing the English Channel.Slashing "wasteful spending" by councils, like Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency (Doge) in the US, was also a common campaign theme.In Worcestershire, where Reform won the most seats but fell short of a majority, the party's supposed lack of local policy was a major sticking point for the Conservatives."They haven't got a local prospectus and that was part of the problem," said Adam Kent, Tory group leader on Worcestershire County Council."They didn't stand on any local issues. It was on national politics. How can you go into coalition with somebody if you don't even know what they stand for?"Joanne Monk, the Reform UK council leader in the county, said she only had "a brief couple of chats" with other party leaders but was uncompromising on coalitions."I'm damned sure we're not on the same wavelength," she said.She followed the lead of Farage, who ruled out formal coalitions at council level but said "in the interests of local people we'll do deals", in comments ahead of the local elections.In Worcestershire, Reform UK's minority administration may need to do deals to pass key decisions and avoid other parties banding together to veto their plans.Recognising this, she acknowledged other parties were "going to have to work with us at some point".
In Northumberland, the Conservatives retained their position as the largest party and gave the impression they were willing to entertain coalition talks with Reform UK, which gained 23 seats."I said I would work with anyone and my door is open," said Conservative council leader Glen Sanderson."But Reform the next day put out a press release saying the price for working with the Conservatives would be extremely high. So on that basis, I assumed that was the door closed on me."No talks were held and the Conservatives formed a minority administration.Weeks had passed after the local elections before Mark Peart was voted in as Reform UK's local group leader in the county. As a result, he wasn't in a position to talk to anybody."Everything had already been agreed," Peart said. "It was too late."
Training ground
Reform UK sources admitted the party was caught a bit flat-footed here and elsewhere as many of its new councillors got the grips with their new jobs in the weeks following the local elections.A support network for those councillors, in the form of training sessions and a local branch system, is being developed by the party.But this week Zia Yusuf, one of the key architects behind that professionalisation drive and the Doge cost-cutting initiative, resigned as party chairman, leaving a gap in the party's leadership.Reform UK's deputy leader, Richard Tice, said the party's success at the local elections "was partly because of the significant efforts and improvements to the infrastructure of the party" spearheaded by Yusuf.Though Yusuf is gone, the party has considerably strengthened its foundations at local level, after gaining 677 new councillors and two mayors.A Reform UK source said party bosses will be keeping an eye out for stand-out councillors who could go on to become parliamentary candidates before the general election.They said in areas where Reform UK runs councils as a minority administration, it's going to take some compromise with other parties and independents to pass budgets and key policies.In the messy world of town halls and council chambers, that could be a tough apprenticeship.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Independent
an hour ago
- The Independent
Warning UK's housing crisis will deepen if Reeves makes further cuts in spending review
It comes as the struggle between the Treasury and Angela Rayner 's Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government over its budget continues, just days before Ms Reeves is set to outline the spending plans until the next election on Wednesday. With no agreement having been reached on housing, the chief executive of one of Britain's largest housing associations has raised the alarm that of a 'cliff edge' over building more homes – which means money is set to run out by 2026. The warning from Fiona Fletcher-Smith, chief executive of L&Q and until last week chair of the G15 group of London housing associations, comes as the Local Government Association (LGA) has warned that 51 per cent of councils are now running deficits on their housing budgets. Homeless charities are also warning of an impending crisis with new supply unable to keep up with increasing demand for social housing. Crisis has pointed out that over the past 10 years there has been a net loss of more than 180,000 social homes in England. Currently, 1.33 million households in England are currently stuck on council waiting lists for a social home. Ms Fletcher-Smith explained that the problem began with George Osborne's austerity budgets in 2010 when he slashed 63 per cent of the capital budget to build new homes. She said he then 'welched' on a deal to allow them to make up for the loss by charging CPI inflation plus 1 per cent in rent. which housing associations and councils now want restored for a decade. This will allow them to borrow money to build as it comes through as guaranteed income. The cumulative effect now means that housing associations no longer have the funds to build projects. Ms Fletcher-Smith said: 'Housing decisions are so long, it's not just planning permission, you've got to get all utilities, everything else lined up to build. It's a five to seven years to run in to build housing. We could see from our own predictions, we were just going to go off cliff edge, by 2025/2026.' The sector is also still struggling with the impact of the Grenfell fire tragedy in 2017, with thousands of homes now subject to problems with cladding which is costing them £2.6bn in London alone. In London alone, £4 million a month is being spent on 'keeping people in temporary accommodation' because homes with cladding are too dangerous to return to and clogged courts mean legal cases to fix the problem are taking years. Ms Fletcher-Smith also noted that the 'combination of Brexit, Covid-19 and the war in Ukraine' has hit the sector not least with inflation which saw building materials go up as much as 30 per cent well above the 11 per cent peak of the headline rate. There are now fears that Ms Reeves and the Treasury will force cuts to the housing budget to balance the books as the chancellor seeks to ringfence health spending, increase defence to 2.5 per cent of GDP and water down proposals on benefit cuts as well as U-turn on ending the winter fuel payments for millions of pensioners. The deputy prime minister is leading a charge to protect budgets and instead push for a series of wealth taxes on big corporations and millionaires. But this has been resisted by Ms Reeves. However, the fears over housing are shared by homeless charities who are calling for 90,000 new social housing homes to be built per year. Matt Downie, chief executive of Crisis, said: 'This spending review is an opportunity for significant investment to start to see homelessness levels come down. 'Small tweaks aren't enough to fix the problems we face.' Mairi MacRae, director of policy and campaigns at Shelter, said: 'With homelessness at a record high and councils spending huge chunks of their budgets just to keep families off the streets, now is the time to invest in building social rent homes, not cut back." The issue is also vexing Labour backbenchers looking at the party's slide in the polls. One Labour MP said cuts in this area would cause upset among backbenchers, especially those with seats in areas with councils that are already on the verge of collapse. Another pointed out that Labour's flagship housing pledge 'means nothing if the current stock of social housing suffers" as a result of cuts. The government provides financial support to local authorities for social housing provision, including funding for new builds, repairs, and improvements. Commenting on the finding that 51 per cent of councils running a deficit with housing, the LGA warned: 'These trends are not sustainable. There is a growing risk to the financial sustainability of some councils' HRAs, and revenue pressures in councils' HRAs are now being passed directly into their HRA capital programmes.' In the Autumn Statement, the government announced over £5 billion total housing investment in 2025/26 to boost supply, including a £500m extension to the current Affordable Homes Programme which runs out in 2026. At the Spring Statement, the government announced a down payment of £2bn for a successor programme. To make it cheaper for councils to finance new development, the government has extended the preferential borrowing rate available for council house building from the Public Works Loan Board until the end of 2025/26.


BBC News
an hour ago
- BBC News
Spending Review: Massive cheques from chancellor for some - but what do totals hide?
The next few days are vital – "one of the last moments to weave it all together – to look politically credible to the people Labour has lost", one senior figure have been huge fights inside government about the looming Spending I write, the home secretary and deputy prime minister are both still in dispute with the mighty Treasury over the amount of cash they'll have to the Treasury's already trying to convince the public the review is about significant Wednesday Rachel Reeves boasted of funnelling billions more taxpayers' cash to big transport projects outside the wealthier south east of England, having tweaked the Treasury rules to do with five days still to go, I've been passed some of the information that'll be in the pages of Wednesday's one crucial chart that will be in the huge bundle of documents heading to the printing presses on Tuesday night that shows what's called TDEL – the Total Departmental Expenditure other words, the total that government spends, including the day-to-day costs of running public services and long-term spending on big projects. The chart spans 2010 to 2030, so takes in the coalition years, where you can see the total sliding down, then the Conservative years when spending starts rising after the Brexit referendum, then leaps up during then, when Labour took charge, the red line going up steeply at first, then more slowly towards the end of this parliamentary total real terms spending by 2029-30? More than £650bn – roughly £100bn more than when Labour took pale blue line is what would have happened to spending if the Conservatives had managed to hang on to power last government now is allergic to accusations that any cuts they make will be a return to austerity. And this chart shows that overall spending is going up considerably, compared to those lean political argument around spending will rage but the chancellor did - to use the ghastly technical term – set out the "spending envelope" in her autumn Budget, indicating rises were can bet they'll want to use every chance they have to say they are spending significantly more than the Tories planned to under Rishi government's political opponents on the other hand, may look at that red line as it climbs steeply upwards and say: "See, public spending is ballooning out of control".This chart does illustrate very significant rises in public spending. But be careful. What this chart doesn't give us is any idea of how those massive totals break down. Massive chunks will go to favoured departments, suggestions of an extra £30bn for the NHS a very significant part of that steep rise will be allocated to long-term projects, not running public services, some of which are overall total may be enormous, but a couple of parts of government greedily suck in billions - others will still feel the pain. A case in point – as I write on Saturday morning, the Home Office is still arguing over its settlement, believing there isn't enough cash to provide the number of police the government has promised, while the front pages are full of stories about the NHS receiving another bumper observe this big health warning. The chart gives us a sense of the political argument the chancellor will it doesn't tell the full story or give the crucial totals, department by department, decision by worth saying it's incredibly unusual to see any of this before the day itself, hinting perhaps at jitters in No 11 about how the review will be we hear the chancellor's speech, and then see all of the documents in full on Wednesday, the story of the Spending Review won't be will be reams of statistics, produced by government, and the official number crunchers, the OBR, and then days of analysis by think tanks and experts in the bear in mind these three core facts. Rachel Reeves will put a huge amount of cash, tens and tens of billions, towards long term projects. Short-term spending money will be tight, with no spare cash for sweeteners. And the government is not popular, so there's huge pressure to tell a convincing story to try to change that, not least because of what went wrong the last time. "We can't ever do it like this again." After Labour's first Budget, government insiders concluded next time, it had to be different.A source recalls: "It was a very brutal exercise - it was literally just making the sums add up, there was no collective approach to what the priorities were."Alongside a lot of extra cash for the NHS, there was a big tax rise for business that came out of the blue. No one wants a repeat of that "next time" is now – and a Labour source warns the review might be as "painful as hell" .So the task for a government struggling in the polls is to make this moment more than just a gruesome arithmetic problem, instead, to use the power of the state's cheque book to make, and go on to win an a fiver on Rachel Reeves referring back to that first Budget as "fixing the foundations" of the economy and public services, this week then being the moment to start, "rebuilding Britain".Sources suggest she has three aspects in mind: security for the country (which will explain all those billions for defence), the health of the nation - that does what it says on the tin, and "investing", all that cash for long-term week's decisions will be followed soon after by the government's industrial strategy which will promise support for business, possibly including cash to help with sky-high energy it comes after several big staging posts – the immigration white paper, trade deals, the defence government circles there's hope of denting some of the criticisms that they have been slow to get moving in office, that, frankly, Sir Keir Starmer arrived in government without having worked out what he really wanted to Whitehall insider tells me, "Now the buses are all arriving at once – maybe the idea of this lacklustre government that didn't have a plan will be blown away by July?" Another Labour source suggests the threat from Nigel Farage has actually forced the government to get moving, visibly, and decisively: "Reform gives us the impetus to actually shake this stuff down."That's the rosy view of how the chancellor might be able to play a difficult hand. It might not be reality. It is profoundly uncomfortable for a Labour government to make is already a whiff of rebellion in the air over ministers' welfare plans. Expanding free school meals for kids in England seems designed to placate some of those critics in advance, but there could be more to make them forget Reeves has several different audiences – not just the public and her party, but the financial bigwigs time last year all Labour's schmoozing was paying off, and she enjoyed good reviews in the year on, that mood has shifted, in part because of the autumn to one city source, it "damaged her. People saw it as an about turn on her promises. Raising National Insurance, however they want to present it, went against the spirit of the manifesto… confidence in her in the City is diminished and diminishing", not least because there is chatter about more tax hikes in the autumn budget. Sign up for the Off Air with Laura K newsletter to get Laura Kuenssberg's expert insight and insider stories every week, emailed directly to you. You probably don't need me to remind you that the level of taxes collected by government are historically sky too, at the other end, is the amount of government debt. A former Treasury minister told me this morning, "debt is the central issue of our time, nationally and globally"."There is a real risk our debt becomes unsustainable this Parliament, unless we make tough choices about what the state does. We can't keep on muddling through."Add in the twists, tariffs and tantrums of the man in the White House, that make the global economic situation uncertain and the picture's not politics hinges on finding advantage in adversity. Polling suggests much of the country reckons Labour inherited a bad hand and has played it week, the chancellor has a chance to change the game. No 11 is determined to prove that she has made decisions only a Labour chancellor would Reeves is gambling that her decisions to shovel massive amounts of money into long term spending helps the economy turn, and translates into political support well before the next general election.A senior Labour source said, Wednesday will be "the moment, this government clicks into gear, or it won't". There's no guarantee. BBC InDepth is the home on the website and app for the best analysis, with fresh perspectives that challenge assumptions and deep reporting on the biggest issues of the day. And we showcase thought-provoking content from across BBC Sounds and iPlayer too. You can send us your feedback on the InDepth section by clicking on the button below.


Telegraph
an hour ago
- Telegraph
White British children are now minority in one in four schools
White British pupils are now the minority in one in four schools in England, official data reveal. Analysis of school census data, collected from more than 21,500 primaries and secondaries in January, shows that in a quarter of them, the majority of the cohort is recorded as ethnic minority or white non-British. In 72 schools, no white British pupils are recorded, and in 454, they make up less than 2 per cent of the student body. The demographic shift is apparent in many of the country's big cities such as London, Birmingham, Manchester, Bradford and Leicester. At Rockwood Academy, in Birmingham, for instance, none of the 1,084 students were recorded in the census as 'white British', while just 12 of the 2,779 pupils at Loxford School, in the London borough of Redbridge, were white British. The figures, released by the Department of Education this week, have been published as a report predicted that white British people will become a minority in the UK population within the next 40 years. The Buckingham University study projects a big rise in the proportion of the UK population comprising foreign-born and second-generation immigrants, from below 20 per cent to 33.5 per cent within the next 25 years. By the end of the century, six in 10 people in the UK will either not have been born in the UK, or will have at least one immigrant parent, and one in five will be Muslim, according to the report by Prof Matt Goodwin. The dramatic population change raises 'profound questions about the capacity of the UK state to both absorb and manage this scale of demographic change', he claimed. Concern about legal and illegal immigration levels, and their long-term impact, is fuelling a surge in support for Reform. In this week's Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse by-election, in Scotland, Labour prised a win from the SNP but only Reform saw a significant swing in its favour, taking 26.1 per cent of the vote. The party's performance has led to predictions that Reform is on course to pick up more than 10 seats in next year's Scottish Parliament elections, and poses a real threat in the 2029 general election. The school census data demonstrates that the white British share of the young population is in decline in many areas. Children in state schools in a third of council areas are now mostly ethnic minority or white non-British, up from about a quarter a decade ago. In all 32 London boroughs, apart from Bromley, white British children are in a minority. In Bromley, they make up 50.3 per cent. In Newham, just 5 per cent of children were recorded in the school census as white British. The figure in Harrow was 7 per cent. Other local authority areas in England where the majority of children are not white British include Manchester, Nottingham, Coventry, Luton, Milton Keynes, Peterborough, Oldham and Blackburn and Darwen. The analysis of the school census figures excludes independent schools, schools where a high proportion of students had no ethnicity classification, and those where there were a very low number of pupils. Bridget Phillipson, the Education Secretary, raised the 'scandal' last week of white working-class educational failure, saying that children had been 'betrayed' and 'left behind in society'. Government data shows that only 21 secondary schools in England where more than a fifth of pupils are white working class had any record of success with this group. Nick Harrison, the chief executive of the Sutton Trust social mobility charity, said white working class underachievement was 'a ticking time bomb for equality of opportunity in our country'. In an attempt to steal ground from Reform, Ms Phillipson announced a new independent inquiry into white working class educational outcomes, which will be led by Sir Hamid Patel, the chief executive of a leading academies trust, and Estelle Morris, a former Labour education secretary. While the issue has been widely researched in the past, it has resulted in little or no action to try and tackle the problem. A comprehensive inquiry undertaken by the Commons education committee in 2021 found a significant educational achievement gap between white working class children and their more advantaged peers, and between this group and their equally disadvantaged ethnic minority counterparts. According to the report, attainment gaps are fuelled by high concentrations of poverty, inadequate resources, low teacher quality, and a lack of aspiration and investment in disadvantaged areas. Use of the term 'white privilege' was also criticised for potentially alienating disadvantaged white communities