
How a law to ban homeless encampments threw a California city into chaos
FREMONT, Calif. — Dominating one corner of a sprawling homeless encampment on an abandoned lot next to Fremont's rumbling BART tracks, Michael Austin has built his own kind of palace.
His makeshift home — a tent fortified with wood paneling, steel poles and chain link fencing — rises two stories high, with a day bed on the first floor and a queen mattress on the second, plenty of cushioning for his 18 cats to get cozy. He's built a fire pit out front, and planted a long pole in the middle of camp to fly the American flag. Scattered throughout his camp, along with piles of dried cat food, is an assortment of tools, scrap metal and motor gear that Austin, 60, transforms into mini go-karts, motorized bikes and scooters.
His 20 or so neighbors camping on the lot at Osgood Road and Washington Boulevard live in a grim assortment of tents, tarps and plywood.
Normally, Austin said, he likes to keep his space in a state of organized chaos. But lately he sees no point in tidying up. Any day now, he expects orders to pack up and move from the lot he's called home for two years. A new city law bans encampments on public and private property. Violators could face misdemeanor charges, a $1,000 fine and six months in jail.
'I'm going to jail. That's the only way they're getting me out of here,' said Austin, petting his gray cat, Steamer. Maybe he'd voluntarily leave if the city offered him affordable housing that allows his cats and tools, but that seems unlikely. His campsite, with all its cats and clutter, may not be a house, he said, but it's 'my home.'
The Fremont City Council adopted the anti-camping ordinance Feb. 11 with a 6-1 vote, making this diverse Bay Area suburb 40 miles southeast of San Francisco the latest in a long line of California cities to pursue tougher enforcement against homeless camping. Local leaders estimate the city has about 800 people who lack a permanent residence, more than 600 of them living unsheltered on the streets or in cars. Although those numbers pale in comparison with the tens of thousands of people living homeless in Los Angeles, it's a visible presence in this family-friendly suburb of roughly 225,000 people.
The anti-camping trend has swept through the liberal Bay Area, where local residents have grown weary of tent cities. In city after city, voters have used the ballot box to elect more moderate leadership and push local officials to take back the streets.
Democratic-run cities such as Berkeley, Oakland and San Francisco, among the most liberal jurisdictions in the nation, have all adopted more aggressive enforcement strategies against homeless encampments in the wake of a pivotal U.S. Supreme Court ruling last June that empowered communities to restrict homeless encampments on public property, even when there is no available shelter.
Advocates for this get-tough approach say the Bay Area's reputation for generosity and compassion has had an unanticipated downside, fostering a subculture of chronically homeless people who don't want to be helped.
Organizations that advocate on behalf of the homeless, on the other hand, have routinely blasted the camping bans as a short-term bandage that does nothing to solve systemic poverty, untreated mental illness, a dearth of drug treatment programs and a shameful lack of affordable housing.
Fremont is the latest Bay Area city to struggle with how best to navigate those turbulent crosswinds.
Fremont's ordinance incorporates language adopted by numerous California cities, banning camping in public spaces including sidewalks, waterways and parks. As originally adopted, the ordinance went further to also prohibit 'aiding and abetting' homeless encampments.
The language enraged and confused homeless activist groups, who said the 'aiding and abetting' clause posed a direct threat to outreach workers who provide crucial food and medical care to homeless people.
'Punishing people for experiencing homelessness is cruel, and punishing people who just want to help them is cruel,' said Jesse Rabinowitz, campaign and communications director for the National Homelessness Law Center.
During the lengthy Feb. 11 hearing where the ordinance was initially adopted, dozens of advocates and community members lined up to speak in opposition. 'What are we doing?' one man said. 'We are playing musical chairs with people's lives. We're treating them almost as trash.'
But plenty of others told council members that they felt the scales of tolerance had tipped too far, and they no longer felt safe in their community.
'I love Fremont. It is my home. But we are living in fear,' one woman said. 'We are living in frustration.'
Fremont Mayor Raj Salwan is among the city officials who were surprised by the angry blowback from homeless advocates and local nonprofits. Salwan, a mild-mannered veterinarian who grew up in Fremont, was elected to the nonpartisan mayor's office last November after two four-year stints on the City Council.
He said the city has no intention of arresting everyone living outside, let alone the outreach workers who help them. The goal, he said, is to give the city more leverage to get people to accept services and also to ensure safe access to city spaces for all residents.
He said the ordinance would give the city the leeway it needed to target egregious violations of the law, and recounted recent incidents of community members helping homeless people build tree houses. The city logged more than 880 complaints last year from residents reporting concerns about encampments, including public nudity, open drug use, human waste and rodent infestations.
'We've stated at least 20 times what our intent is and what we're trying to do,' Salwan said. 'I think some people just don't like the ordinance, so they're going to poke holes one way or another.'
He and other city leaders noted that Fremont has a history of investing generously in efforts to support homeless people and get them back into housing. The city funds a 66-bed transitional shelter for families and adults, as well as a navigation center that helps connect people to permanent housing. There's a family resource center that offers job training, mental health services and food assistance, and a winter hotel program. City-funded teams crisscross the city providing mental health and medical care.
Unlike many Bay Area suburbs, Fremont is in compliance with state-mandated housing construction goals, with more than 1,300 affordable units in development, according to city officials.
'We're not one of those cities that has run away from the issue, or tried to hide the issue, or sweep the issue. We've always wanted to help tackle it and address it,' Salwan said.
At the same time, he said, it's also his job to consider how entrenched homelessness affects the broader community. What about the small business next door to an encampment that is losing customers and struggling to stay open? Or the homeowners who share property lines with an unkempt tent city? What should young kids and their families do when parks and trails are littered with trash and used needles?
'If we want to get the will of the community to do more programs, more shelters, more housing navigation centers,' he said, 'we need to also show them we will address severe concerns that you are having.'
Even so, in the face of the pushback from homeless service groups and threats of legal action, the City Council this week revisited the ordinance, just nine days before it was to go into effect.
Salwan proposed deleting the 'aiding and abetting' provision, in an effort to reaffirm 'positive relationships with nonprofits, faith‑based organizations and other government agencies.' The council approved the change on another 6-1 vote, and also loosened the camping ban on private residential property to allow camping in limited circumstances, for friends and family, with the owner's consent.
The ordinance, originally scheduled to take effect in mid-March, probably will come back to the council for another discussion.
Putting the new law into effect will be a delicate balance, city officials said. But 'the intent will never be to arrest someone for being unhoused,' said Fremont Police Chief Sean Washington. 'And in fact, our policies prohibit us from doing that.'
Spokesperson Geneva Bosques said the city would prioritize the dismantling of large tent cities, as well as removing smaller encampments that pose immediate health and safety risks. The ordinance requires the city to provide campers with written notice in advance of a sweep. Bosques said the city will store personal belongings for 90 days.
One of Fremont's more entrenched encampments is hidden along the tree-lined banks of a large creek in the Quarry Lakes Regional Recreation Area.
It's clear that some of the campers have spent years here, expanding their tent homes into multi-room dwellings connected with wood paneling and tarps. One campsite is surrounded by a white picket fence. Another features a large 'backyard' with an orange couch and potted plants.
It's also obvious why the city wants to dismantle the camp. An estimated 25 to 30 people live along the creek in flammable structures, generating trash and debris that pose environmental hazards and have prompted multiple complaints to the city.
Brianna Herrera, 31, and her boyfriend, Fernando Luna, were huddled in their own souped-up tent, with 2-month-old puppies toddling around them. Herrera said she has lived in the encampment for years, and gave birth to a daughter there.
The tent she shares with her partner has linoleum floors and a generator to provide electricity. She said they support themselves by collecting scrap metal that they sell to a recycling center, bringing in about $200 on a good day.
Herrera said she's worried about the new ordinance, and how someone could 'go to jail for being homeless,' but she also understands the risks the encampment poses, including fire, and the concerns about how big it's gotten.
She, like Michael Austin across town, is preparing for an evacuation order.
'Usually our places are cleaned up,' Herrera said. 'But we've kind of given up, because we have to leave anyways.'

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
30 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Why The Planes Russia Lost In Ukraine's Drone Strike Are Such A Big Deal
Ukraine's Security Service (SBU) carried out a massive drone strike against Russia's military on June 1, specifically targeting the invading power's so-called strategic aircraft. These are amongst the most precious assets Russia has, and their loss represents a significant blow not just to the country's pride, but it's actual combat strength. That these attack were conducted so far inside of Russian territory doesn't merely add insult to injury, it massively expands the scope of its vulnerability. Codenamed Spiderweb, the Ukrainian operation involved smuggling 150 first-person view (FPV) drones into Russia, which were then hidden within the roofs of wooden cabins. The cabins were then hauled off by cargo trucks by hired Russian drivers who had no idea they'd become accomplices in a strike against their own country. Once those trucks were parked near the target airbases [Kyiv Post], the roofs were remotely opened, allowing the drones to leap out and kamikaze themselves into the parked planes. Reports indicate that a total of 117 drones assaulted four airbases across the breadth of Russia, damaging or destroying 41 aircraft. While this operation doesn't necessarily change the immediate situation on the ground of the war, it will leave a lasting impact on Russia and, very possibly, the future of warfare. It's a pretty big deal. Read more: These Are The Cheap Cars That Consumer Reports Actually Recommends Buying There are a lot of claims flying around about what planes exactly got hit, not all of which have been verified. Thus far, it seems like the losses definitely include Tupolev Tu-95s (pictured), Tupolev Tu22Ms, and Beriev A-50s. Tu-95s (called "Bears" by NATO) are relics from the 1950s; they don't even use jets, just old-school propellers. Roughly comparable to an American B-52, it is a slow but sturdy heavy bomber. The Tu-22M (called "Backfires") is also a heavy bomber, but has the distinction of being supersonic, capable of flying over Mach 3. They are both capable of firing cruise missiles, and in fact have done so throughout the Russo-Ukrainian War. Critically, they are also nuclear-capable, making them a central part of Russia's claim to superpower status. A-50s (called "Mainstays"), meanwhile, are airborne early warning and control (AEW&C) planes, analogous to the American E-3 AWACS. These are basically flying radar stations, able to detect enemy planes at vast distances and then coordinate friendly aircraft in the ensuing battle. Without them, fighters and bombers have to rely on their own (puny) on-board radar systems. If Russia ever wants to win an air battle, it needs its A-50s. There's a saying that fighter pilots make movies, but bomber pilots make history. Strategic bombers are the planes that can deliver huge payloads into a wide area, causing immense devastation. They're how you take out, say, an entire enemy military base. They are also one leg of the so-called nuclear triad, the name of the three ways one country can nuke another: By intercontinental ballistic missile (the big ones in the silos), by submarine, or, in this case, by strat bomber. To be a major global military power, you have to have a vast fleet of strat bombers. Without them, while you still might be able to conduct smaller strikes against smaller targets, you won't be able to seriously threaten hardened installations from the air, and your nuclear strike capability is curtailed. Operation Spiderweb, therefore, hasn't simply been "another" Ukrainian attack; it has struck a direct blow to Russia's ability to project military force at significant scale. That's bad enough for Russia on its own merits. But it's actually worse than it seems. So Russia has lost some important bombers. Surely, it will just replace them, right? Well, the country has just one small problem: It can't. The Tu-95 and Tu-22M are not even in production anymore, given that they are both Cold War relics. Russia's modern(ish) strat bomber is the supersonic Tu-160 (called "Blackjack", pictured), somewhat similar to America's B-1B Lancer. The catch is that Russia hasn't actually built a Tu-160 in years, and it won't be cheap or easy to get production back up and running again. That means the planes that Ukraine destroyed weren't just blows, but permanent blows. The little country has materially weakened the bigger one, not just for this war, but for the foreseeable future. By how much? According to Ukraine, Operation Spiderweb took out a whopping 34% of Russia's entire bomber fleet. One-third. Of its entire bomber fleet. That can't be replaced. To be fair, it's not yet clear how many of these planes were merely damaged, not destroyed. Some of them will likely be repaired. Then again, there are also unconfirmed reports that Spiderweb also hit some of the precious Tu-160s. If those are also getting taken out, Russia's biggest, most expensive, most devastating planes are getting bombed back into the stone age... by cheap drones. A Tu-160 heavy bomber costs about $500 million. A first-person view (FPV) drone, like the ones Ukraine used in Spiderweb, costs somewhere around $500. FPV drones are designed to be remote piloted using VR goggles so that you can see exactly what the drone sees, unlike more conventional camera drones that you might watch through your phone. This gives the operator a much more detailed view of where the drone is flying, making them a good choice for racing, exploring or, well, blowing up the nuclear strike capability of a major world power. Once smuggled into Russia in wooden cabins hauled by unsuspecting Russian truck drivers, the drones were controlled remotely by Ukraine's operatives via Russia's own 4G and LTE cell phone services. Good thing those airbases had excellent reception (or bad thing, if you're Russian). As kamikaze drones strapped with explosives, all the operators had to do was fly them straight at the strat bombers' most vulnerable points, and then, boom. For what it's worth, immediately after the attack, Russia claimed that it had captured these operators. Ukrainian officials found that interesting, as they replied by saying all the operators were already safely back in their home country. Operation Spiderweb may well be looked back on as a turning point in the development of warfare. The fact that a global world power's nuclear bombers, some of the most important and expensive assets it has, can be successfully destroyed by a couple of cheap drones signals a sea-change in the balance of combat power. Generally speaking, warplanes were considered broadly safe once parked back at their airbase; that's clearly no longer the case. Countries may have to start investing in hardened aircraft shelters, which will be hugely expensive at scale; simply slapping car tires on the bombers clearly isn't enough. In other words, military aircraft are now getting even more expensive to field, while cheap drones are only getting more capable. Meanwhile, on June 4, just three days after Operation Spiderweb, Ukraine's Military Intelligence (HUR) conducted a successful cyberattack against the United Aircraft Company, the manufacturer of the Tu-160 bomber and many other Russian planes. HUR made off with 4.4 gigabytes of classified information, leaving only one thing behind: a graphic image of a Russian plane being snatched by a (presumably Ukrainian) owl. First, strike the bombers; then, strike the bomber manufacturer. All with non-conventional weaponry. Traditional views of military hardpower are being upended by the creativity and heroism of Ukraine's defenders. The future of our world may depend on how other countries, including America, adapt to these lessons. Not surprisingly, Russian President Vladimir Putin has vowed to retaliate for Ukraine's daring attack. Indeed, on June 7, Russia launched a huge drone and missile strike across Ukraine, hitting the cities of Kyiv, Chernihiv, Lutsk, and others. On June 9, it then launched its single largest drone attack of the entire war; critically, it targeted an airbase far from the border, thus mirroring Spiderweb in that way. Still, let's be clear: "Single largest drone attack of the entire war" means 479 drones, or just nine more than the previous record-holding strike on May 31, before Spiderweb even happened. In other words, Russia is throwing everything it has at Ukraine on a weekly basis anyway; at least so far, its "retaliations" have been just another day at the office. Putin's war has been so brutal that there may not be much more he can really do. In the meantime, the ground war grinds on. Peace talks between the two sides in Istanbul continue, so far without much to show for it. The question for Putin is how much of a price he's willing to pay to keep the war going, in exchange for what gains. Spiderweb changes that calculus dramatically. Whether a dictator cares remains to be seen. Want more like this? Join the Jalopnik newsletter to get the latest auto news sent straight to your inbox... Read the original article on Jalopnik.


Los Angeles Times
30 minutes ago
- Los Angeles Times
No, Dr. Phil wasn't present at L.A. ICE raids, but he taped interview with Trump's border czar
As Immigration and Customs Enforcement carries out raids across Los Angeles, former daytime talk show host Dr. Phil McGraw and his TV network MeritTV are covering the actions and protests in the city. McGraw conducted an interview Friday with White House border czar Tom Homan, who was leading the agency's raids. A portion of the interview was posted on MeritTV's website and the network plans to air a conversation between the men that was 'taped the day before and the day after the L.A. operation' in two parts beginning Monday at 5 p.m. PT, according to a network spokesperson reached via email. MeritTV, which launched late last year, primarily features McGraw's show 'Dr. Phil Primetime,' where he comments on the news and interviews figures ranging from New York City Mayor Eric Adams to businessman and former L.A. mayoral candidate Rick Caruso. The TV host has previously embedded with ICE officials during raids, including in Chicago earlier this year, where he and his crew taped arrests. However, that wasn't the case this time around in L.A., but crews from his network did capture footage from the enforcement action over the weekend. 'MeritTV news crews were on the ground during the recent ICE operation in L.A. on Friday,' a MeritTV spokesperson said. 'In order to not escalate any situation, Dr. Phil McGraw did not join and was not embedded, as he previously was in Chicago.' The interview was taped at the Homeland Security Investigations' downtown field office. ICE declined to comment on the interview and whether McGraw was given advance notice of the raids. McGraw was previously the host of his eponymous talk show, which ended in 2023 after 21 seasons. At the time, CBS Media Ventures, which syndicated the talk show, and McGraw said he wanted to expand his audience in a new venture because of 'grave concerns for the American family.' During the 2024 election, McGraw spoke at then-presidential candidate Trump's rally at Madison Square Garden, though he claimed it wasn't an endorsement. However, he has been a proponent of the administration's positions on immigration and he was recently named to the president's religious liberty commission.
Yahoo
44 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Supreme Court Victory: U.S. Blocks Mexico's Gun Industry Lawsuit
The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously dismissed Mexico's lawsuit against American firearms manufacturers, siding with a multistate coalition led by Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton. The decision marks a significant victory for gun rights advocates and American manufacturers facing international legal challenges. Mexico had sued Smith & Wesson and Interstate Arms, claiming the companies bore responsibility for weapons used by drug cartels. The lawsuit sought to hold American manufacturers liable for criminal activities south of the border. 'Mexico cannot blame American firearms companies for its ongoing internal war against the cartels, and in no way can a foreign nation be allowed to undermine our Second Amendment rights,' Paxton said. 'I proudly supported our firearms manufacturers against Mexico's baseless assault on our liberties and am pleased the Supreme Court unanimously sided with common sense, the rule of law, and America.' The attorneys general coalition argued that Mexico has numerous options to address its gun violence problems. These include reporting dealers allegedly selling to cartels, seeking extradition of gun traffickers, or strengthening border controls. 'But it cannot end the domestic manufacturing of American firearms. Nor can it impose its policy preferences on the United States by judicial fiat,' the brief stated.