
‘Feels like a good book': Vivek Ramaswamy pokes fun of ‘funniest gift' received on birthday; jests about NYC race
Republican leader Vivek Ramaswamy used his 40th birthday to deliver a political punchline that quickly spread online.
Sharing a video on X, Ramaswamy showed off what he called the 'funniest gift' from his high school friend.
The book, titled 'Why Socialism Works', turned out to be blank inside, every page simply read, 'It Doesn't.
'
In the clip, Ramaswamy flips through the book with a grin, remarking: 'Feels like a good book for maybe some of the opponents in the New York mayoral race, but that's not my business.'
Posting the video, he added a pointed caption: 'Funniest gift I got for my 40th birthday, from my high school buddy Cory Ingle. Feels like there are some mayoral candidates in NYC who'd do well to get this.'
The post quickly drew laughs and light-hearted replies. One user quipped, 'I hope the author made a lot of money selling that book lol.' Another wrote, 'We need this for every politician in DC too.'
Others kept it simple, wishing him a happy birthday while enjoying the joke.
The timing of the post also tied neatly into Ramaswamy's campaign messaging. The Indian-origin billionaire, who resigned from the department of government efficiency (DOGE) earlier this year to run for Ohio governor in 2026, has leaned heavily on a capitalism-versus-socialism theme.
by Taboola
by Taboola
Sponsored Links
Sponsored Links
Promoted Links
Promoted Links
You May Like
Could This NEW Collagen Blend Finally Reduce Your Cellulite?
Vitauthority
Learn More
Undo
His super PAC, Victors Not Victims, recently funded a Times Square billboard warning New Yorkers about mayoral contender Zohran Mamdani, branding him a 'radical socialist' while casting Ramaswamy as a defender of 'freedom.'
Sharing the poster on X, Ramaswamy wrote, "Capitalism defeats socialism. There's a better way: move to Ohio."
Yet even as he sharpened his ideological attack, Ramaswamy urged critics to avoid personal jibes at Mamdani's Ugandan-Indian background. Writing in an op-ed published in the New York Post, he said, 'The real problem with Mamdani isn't his race or religion. It's his anti-capitalist worldview and his policies that risk destroying our nation's largest city.'
For Ramaswamy, the gag gift doubled as both a birthday laugh and another jab in a campaign built on contrasting socialism with what he describes as the 'revival of the American dream' in Ohio.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Indian Express
3 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Nepal stand on trade through Lipulekh not justified: MEA
A day after India and China agreed to the re-opening of border trade through the three designated points, Nepal has objected to the border trade through Lipulekh Pass. Nepal has disputed the Indian claim over Lipulekh in the past. Nepal PM K P Sharma Oli had in 2020 opposed it, passing a map in Parliament, showing the area as part of Nepal. In response to Nepal's stand, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said, 'Border trade between India and China through Lipulekh pass commenced in 1954 and has been going on for decades… such claims are neither justified nor based on… evidence.' He said that India remains open to constructive interaction on resolving the boundary issues.


Mint
3 minutes ago
- Mint
Gabbard Unveils Plan to Slash Top Spy Agency by 40% This Year
(Bloomberg) -- Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard announced plans to shrink her agency by 40% by the end of the year in what she called an effort to make the office more efficient, even as she clashes with the national security community she leads. The overhaul would save taxpayers $700 million per year by eliminating 'redundant missions, functions and personnel' at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, Gabbard said in a statement. The ODNI oversees the US's 18 intelligence agencies. Instead, the ODNI will invest in areas that 'support the President's national intelligence priorities, and focuses on rebuilding trust, exposing politicization and weaponization of intelligence, and holding bad actors accountable,' the statement said. Bloomberg previously reported that the White House was pressing ahead with plans to slash the top spy agency. Officials from both parties concede that the ODNI has become too bloated over the years and that the agency often duplicates work carried out by the independent intelligence agencies it oversees. Senator Tom Cotton, a Republican from Arkansas who leads the intelligence committee, welcomed the announcement as 'an important step towards returning ODNI to that original size, scope, and mission.' But the effort comes as Gabbard has been openly confrontational with the workforce she leads. The spy chief has sought to root out 'politicization' by referring intelligence officers for prosecution over alleged leaks of classified information. Earlier this week, Gabbard suspended the security clearances of 37 current and former national security officials, continuing Trump's trend of revoking clearances as a means of political retribution. Two top officials from the National Intelligence Council were also reportedly fired in May after the release of a declassified memo that contradicted Trump's basis for deporting alleged Venezuelan gang members. Senator Mark Warner, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee, said that while lawmakers broadly agree ODNI is 'in need of thoughtful reform,' Gabbard has a 'track record of politicizing intelligence.' The Virginia Democrat added in a statement he has 'no confidence that she is the right person to carry out this weighty responsibility.' --With assistance from Jamie Tarabay and Nancy Cook. More stories like this are available on


Hindustan Times
3 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
Review: Asia After Europe by Sugata Bose
In college, a professor often went on diatribes against Eurocentrism, the practice of viewing the world through the lens of the hegemonic West. While he earnestly taught us the prescribed syllabus for philosophy students, he bemoaned its overwhelming focus on Western philosophy at the expense of, say, Indian, Arab, or Chinese thought. The Asian future: Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the G20 Summit in New Delhi on September 9, 2023. (HT Photo) 288pp, ₹699; Harvard University Press However, even as he exhorted us to be aware of our Western blinkers, he acknowledged the impossibility of completely discarding them within our current modes of knowledge production and dissemination. After all, he was railing in English, the link language for us students from across India. But in doing so, he left us with an appreciation of the assumptions that constitute the bedrock of our worldview, what kinds of knowledge we privilege, and the indigenous thinkers and systems we remain unaware of. While this idea has a long lineage in academic circles, it has not always filtered down to the public sphere. In some cases, it has done so in a rather perverse manner. Take the case of the Indian extremists who use the idea of 'decolonisation' to justify parochialism and subjugate minorities. Ironically, their worldview and ideals derive heavily from European fascist ideology. So, in the very act of highlighting their identity in opposition to the West, they adopt European frameworks of identity and nationalism. That is why I think my professor would have approved of Sugata Bose's Asia After Europe: Imagining a Continent in the Long Twentieth Century. Through the works of scholars and political leaders across Asia and the interactions between them, it explores their visions of Asian solidarity and universalism, and the evolution of Asian thought, politics, and art. They not only challenged European colonial precepts, but also conceptualised alternatives to dominant European narratives and debates. In the book, we encounter Okakura Tenshin, José Rizal, Jamaluddin al-Afghani, and Benoy Kumar Sarkar, among other luminaries of the 20th century and earlier. These names might not be as familiar to non-scholars as some of the more notable ones who figure in Bose's account, such as Rabindranath Tagore and Chiang Kai-shek. Yet, they are no less fascinating. Rizal was a Filipino writer and nationalist, whom the Spanish colonial government executed in 1896. He became a unifying symbol of Asian resistance against Western imperialist domination. Okakura, a Japanese art critic and champion of Asian unity, travelled to India and had close links with Swami Vivekananda and Rabindranath Tagore. Al-Afghani, born in Iran, was a 'proponent of Islamic fraternity rather than Asian solidarity', though Bose emphasises that there was significant overlap between the two. Al-Afghani travelled across West and South Asia, and in the latter, stressed Hindu-Muslim unity against the British. Sarkar, an 'energetic, globe-trotting Indian intellectual', visited China and Japan, met intellectuals and politicians there, and extensively documented his journeys and geopolitical insights. The book succinctly captures attempts to forge an Asian identity and consciousness, visions of Asian solidarity, and the schisms caused by intra-Asian wars and conflicts. It provides a refreshing account of Asian histories in relation to each other, often without the Western lens that most works on the continent adopt. Asia has now bypassed other regions as the largest producer, exporter, importer, and consumer of goods. With many heralding the 21st century as the Asian century, Bose's book highlights what potential connections and collaborations between Asian nations could look like. He also explores what it would take for the continent to chart a future that 'expands and not destroys the aspirations of humanity'. In the preface, the author says that he has written the book 'in an accessible literary style for a broad readership'. Indeed, interesting anecdotes, such as about Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru rushing to help Chinese First Lady Madame Chiang put on her shoes during a visit to Shantiniketan, make Bose's historical exploration and arguments engaging. While the book largely eschews jargon and does not require an intimate knowledge of 20th-century history, it would have been good if it had provided more context for the non-scholar. Take, for example, the idea of Asia vis-a-vis Europe. While European nations' collective participation in the European Union and free movements across borders in the Schengen zone have lately reinforced the notion of the continent as a unified entity, it is an idea with a long history. Of course, plenty of myth-making and propaganda over centuries have helped shape it. For example, Europeans assert their antecedence in Greek and Roman empires, while conveniently glossing over how Arab scholars mediated their engagement with these civilisations. They claim the continent is built on Enlightenment ideals (natural law, liberty, rationalism, tolerance, etc.) despite their history of colonisation and perpetuating atrocities on the rest of the world. So, while the notion of Europe might be perverted and self-serving, there is some narrative underpinning it, no matter how flawed. What would an analogous conception of Asia look like? Can one find — or invent — common features among its disparate nations? Are there any unifying links between countries thousands of miles apart, say, Japan and Jordan? There are no clear answers, more so given that the idea of Asia as a singular landmass is also an arbitrary European construct. Historian Sugata Bose (Samir Jana/HT Photo) Nevertheless, the author explores several responses to these questions, such as Sarkar's 'three-fold basis of Asiatic Unity' and pan-Asian art and cultural initiatives, among others. While these are quite illuminating, I wish he had further investigated the meta-critiques regarding what constitutes Asia, especially the continent's conceptions that do not merely rely on Europe as a frame of reference. Besides, the book predominantly focuses on Japan, India, and China, with only fleeting references to the other countries that make up the continent. Would an idea of Asia defined largely by these three regional powers be representative of the entire region? Or would it replicate the hegemonic influence of wealthy western European nations over the idea of Europe? A deeper exploration of these debates would have helped better contextualise Bose's cogent and insightful account. Syed Saad Ahmed is a journalist and communications professional. In 2024, he was selected as a Boston Congress of Public Health Thought Leadership Fellow. He speaks five languages and has taught English in France.