2 Yellowknife city councillors want to be city's next mayor
Two Yellowknife city councillors have stepped forward to become Yellowknife's next mayor, hoping to fill the seat Rebecca Alty left vacant when she was elected to be the N.W.T.'s Member of Parliament.
Garrett Cochrane and Stacie Arden-Smith both announced on social media that they want the job, though council hasn't yet said how it will replace Alty.
Arden-Smith has been on Yellowknife city council since 2018. She said she is running to increase representation of Indigenous women in leadership roles.
"I have a passion for my community, I want to be of service and I think it's important to make sure that all voices are being heard," she said in an interview with CBC.
Cochrane has been on city council since 2022 and said he wants to serve as mayor because of his love of the city.
"This community is my passion," he told CBC.
"As mayor, I will continue to collaborate with my colleagues and work with the administration in addressing the defining issues of our city."
City council has not yet decided how Alty's replacement will be chosen.
The territory's Local Authorities Elections Act offers city council three potential courses of action: appoint a new mayor from within its ranks, hold a byelection, or leave the seat empty until the next municipal election.
CBC has previously asked Yellowknife city councillors if they would be interested in taking on the mayor's role.
Councillors Warburton, Cat McGurk, Tom McLennan and Steve Payne said they would not. Councillor Hendriksen declined to say yes or no, and Councillor Ryan Fequet did not respond.
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Winnipeg Free Press
4 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Calls to action
A trio of books on reconciliation were all released within the span of a few weeks ahead of the summer publishing season. Who are they each for? Readers wanting to learn more about their role in the 94 calls to action in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), but who are unsure where to start, might find one or more of these titles a valuable resource, depending on their current base of knowledge and what they hope to get out of it. ● ● ● Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Kathryne Langsford photo Bruce McIvor Bruce McIvor (Standoff: Why Reconciliation Fails Indigenous People and How to Fix It) is Red River Métis, an adjunct professor at UBC law school and a founder and senior partner at First Peoples Law. He wrote Indigenous Rights in One Minute which covers, concisely, over 100 different legal concepts, court decisions and pieces of legislation related to Indigenous rights. The central conceit, from which McIvor does not waver, is that each item — from the Doctrine of Discovery to Section 35 to the Haida Decision — is covered in about one minute of reading or less. Indigenous Rights in One Minute Indigenous Rights in One Minute The attorney and author briefly covers the history and current legal relevance of every legal footnote that contributes to the current judicial and legislative understanding of the rights of Indigenous people as well as Indigenous Peoples, each one in a page or two. With a detailed table of contents as well as a glossary, index and list of further reading, the book is certainly set up to act as a handy reference text for non-lawyers who nevertheless may be affected by, or otherwise desiring to be aware of, the relevant case law. It might also be a crucial resource for many working in or with advocacy organizations, or Indigenous and non-Indigenous governments. While it is very possible to jump around in the text, there is a throughline here. Reading the book from front to back builds in the reader a sense of the general shape of Indigenous rights in Canada, its current state, the historical forces that have shaped those rights and the directions it might move towards in the future. McIvor warns at the very beginning that he has a point of view and that he will share it. But even his editorial comments are brief and evidence-based. The one-minute constraint doesn't allow him to add many rhetorical flourishes, and blunt observations, such as that Aboriginal title is intentionally limited 'to ensure it doesn't become an insurmountable obstacle to removing Indigenous people from their lands so those lands can be exploited by non-Indigenous people,' are hard to deny on the facts. The courtroom battles Indigenous individuals and communities have been taking on against the Canadian government mirror the extensive legal work taken on by American Civil Rights activists since the 1960s. For a non-lawyer to make a proper survey of even a small field of law is not easy, and there's so much hard-to-find information packed in here, it's easy to imagine this slim layperson's reference volume will become a permanent resident of any shelves it lands upon. ● ● ● Supplied photo Rose LeMay Supplied photo Rose LeMay For first-time author Rose LeMay, the complete opposite approach made the most sense when writing Ally Is a Verb. LeMay is Tlingit, still operates in her First Nation's homeland in B.C. and has made a career as a speaker and corporate trainer specializing in practical steps allies can take in implementing the TRC's Calls to Action for reconciliation. Her book often reads like it could be spoken aloud in a meeting space — the writing is dynamic, conversational and passionate. If McIvor thought it necessary to note that he is not impartial on the topics he writes about, LeMay's point of view is so immediately clear that any such disclaimer would be unnecessary. In her second chapter, Unpacking the Great Canadian Lie, LeMay muses about whether a bloodier but briefer direct military conflict — such as occurred between Indigenous Peoples and the United States army, especially throughout the 19th century — might actually have been preferable in some ways to what actually occurred in this country. At least then, she reckons, the enemy would have been clearly identifiable. Instead, bearing the pretended benevolence of the Indian Act, LeMay writes that, 'Canada walked in smiling and held out its hand to shake, while the other hand was stealing our children and our land.' Ally is a Verb Ally is a Verb LeMay modelled her book on the change management approach she uses as a trainer: you explain the problem, present a solution and get people on board with being part of that solution. So she spends some of the first few chapters with a primer on the history of Indigenous Peoples' mistreatment at the hands of the Canadian government, from pre-Confederation to the Indian Act to residential schools, of which many in her own family were survivors. But before even this, LeMay spends some time in the opening chapter discussing the idea of reconciliation itself and how it can look, comparing Canada to three other countries that went through this process: Germany took a court-based approach post-Holocaust in the Nuremberg Trials, South Africa formed its own Truth and Reconciliation Commission after apartheid and Rwanda, after the 1994 genocide, landed somewhere in between. LeMay makes some thoughtful observations about the advantages and disadvantages of each approach, noting that our own government-created TRC had the effect of casting Canada itself as an observer and facilitator, neatly sidestepping the role of either perpetrator or defendant. These comparisons comprise some of the strongest insights of the book, and it's a good initial framing to set up subsequent chapters. The book also has some weak spots that probably stem from being adapted from oral content polished over the course of many live workshops and keynotes, and not undergoing all the changes appropriate to a written book-length format. Some chapters are veritably packed with a minutiae of stray observations that would make a real-time discussion more dynamic but make a written argument more muddled. At times quotes that aren't real quotes but rather air-quoted imitations of a hypothetical person or anthropomorphized institution (e.g., the Government of Canada) are written down using actual quotation marks. LeMay's book seems geared towards use in organizations for internal training. The chapters each end with a list of next steps and resources for further reading, making them well-suited as a ready-out-of-the-box corporate training program, wherein a facilitator or team leader might assign a chapter and set a meeting each week to discuss. Though one imagines most organizations would do better to hire LeMay to run the training herself, if they have the budget. ● ● ● Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson Mike Deal / Free Press files David A. Robertson David. A Robertson (the Misewa Saga; 7 Generations, a Plains Cree Saga) is the most experienced author of the group, having written numerous graphic novels as well as several works of fiction and non-fiction. He is a member of Norway House Cree Nation on his father's side but was raised mainly in Winnipeg, where he is still based. The idea of 52 Ways to Reconcile is to take one step towards reconciliation every week, with enough chapters to fill a full year, though that doesn't mean the book can't be read faster than that. Indeed, the engaging style makes it hard to stop after one short chapter. 52 Ways to Reconcile 52 Ways to Reconcile As with McIvor's book, 52 Ways could potentially be read out of order; after all, there's no reason that checking out an Indigenous restaurant (Week #33) can't come before engaging with Indigenous social media (Week #3). But there is a personal narrative threaded throughout 52 Ways, and to pick and choose chapters and not read the whole thing would be a shame. Robertson provides a mix of ways to advance reconciliation, some easier and others more involved. They may include putting either your time or money where your mouth is by supporting Indigenous communities or groups, learning an important lesson on land acknowledgements or unchecked idioms, or supporting and enjoying Indigenous creators in a variety of contexts, from film to music to podcasts to food to tourism to comics. Every chapter includes both a heartfelt case for why a given task is worth doing, another little bit of the author's personal journey in advancing reconciliation and a number of specific examples of where you can get started on any given week's suggestion. Robertson already consumes a lot of Indigenous media, supports a lot of Indigenous organizations and follows a lot of Indigenous sport teams, so he is not short on examples. Want a good podcast that will teach you about missing and murdered Indigenous women; a good Indigenous non-fiction, fiction or comic book writer; country band; jazz band; or electronica band? Robertson has at least one suggestion, but usually offers several. Of the three books covered here, Robertson's 52 Ways to Reconcile is probably the most universally accessible; indeed it should appeal to almost anyone. Of course that doesn't mean that any two, or even all three, of these books aren't worth picking up depending on what the reader wants to get out of each title, and how much reading time they have available. Joel Boyce is a Winnipeg writer and educator.
10 hours ago
Experts warn of Bill C-2 as 'anti-refugee' and 'anti-immigrant' giving Canada 'unchecked powers' like the U.S.
Mbonisi Zikhali came to Canada in 2009 from Zimbabwe to pursue a master's in journalism at Carleton University. Post-graduation, the international student found himself homeless in Windsor and applied for refugee status – a privilege soon unavailable if Bill C-2 becomes the law. The bill is unnecessary and not sympathetic at all to people's well-being, Zikhali said. Many experts and community groups working with newcomers in Canada agree. They are calling the Liberal government's sweeping new legislation, Bill C-2 or the Strong Borders Act, anti-immigrant and anti-refugee, and say they hoping the legislation does not become law. Zikhali said he came on scholarship and in 2012 found himself in Windsor picking tomatoes at a greenhouse. Soon enough, he was living on the streets, and lost his passport which also had his study permit in it. Applying for refugee status, Zikhali said, was his saving grace and worries this bill will deprive vulnerable people of a safe haven. What is Bill C-2? The legislation proposes changes to a number of laws including the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. Specifically it allows officials to cancel, suspend or change immigration documents immediately, pause the acceptance of new applications and cancel applications already in process if deemed in the public interest. Début du widget Widget. Passer le widget ? Fin du widget Widget. Retourner au début du widget ? Critics say new border legislation aligns Canada's immigration system with the U.S. 2 days agoDuration2:43The Liberal government proposed new border legislation this week. But critics say they worry the law will do more harm than good. The CBC's Pratyush Dayal reports. Asylum claims would also have to be made within a year of entering the country, including for international students and temporary residents. Take this hypothetical: An Afghan international student who came to study here in July 2020. When the Taliban takes over in August 2021 and things become uncertain back home, that student could have applied for asylum. But with this bill, the one-year time period would have lapsed and they would be ineligible. The immigration changes would also require irregular border crossers — people who enter Canada between official ports of entry — to make an asylum claim within 14 days of arriving in Canada. Immigration Minister Lena Metlege Diab is defending the measures (new window) . There's a lot of applications in the system. We need to act fairly, and treat people appropriately who really do need to claim asylum and who really do need to be protected to stay in Canada, Diab told CBC News. We need to be more efficient in doing that. At the same time, Canadians demand that we have a system that works for everyone. 'Very U.S.-like' bill: refugee help centre director says Windsor's Matthew House gives refugees a place to live and helps them with resettlement. Mike Morency, the organization's executive director, says he worries this bill will put more vulnerable people at greater harm. It continues to align our immigration system with that of the United States, Morency said. Refugee claimants are not the problem. The one year-ban is a major concern for us. The other major concern for us is the ability of the government to declare an emergency and suspend applications. That one to me feels very U.S.-like. Morency said he understands the government's will to try to cut back on international students and migrant workers making a refugee claim as a way to stay in Canada, but worries for people who have a legitimate need for protection being unfairly targeted. It also feels very much like a workaround to our commitment to the Geneva Convention. If the government wants to step out of the Geneva Convention, then then we need to do it with integrity and we need to approach the UN and say we're going to withdraw, he said. Syed Hussan, spokesperson for the Migrant Rights Network, agrees saying the bill violates Canada's most basic legal obligations and is immoral . 'Gives the government unchecked power to take away people's status': Migrant Rights Network Hussan asserts the bill infringes upon Canada's legal commitments and ethical standards by granting the government excessive authority to cancel permits. Every refugee gets to have the right to have their case heard. That's now being taken away, he said. Collectively it's a bill that gives the government unchecked power to take away people's status… This is an anti-immigrant and anti-refugee bill. It's illegal. Without any ability for people to appeal or have their case individually heard, Hussan said, the bill allows the government to make people undocumented or just throw people out of the country in the hundreds of thousands . Syed Hussan says the Migrant Rights Network condemns Bill C-2's anti-Refugee and mass deportation provisions. Photo: CBC The changes also allow the federal immigration department to share information more widely with different agencies within Canada. Hussan said anyone who was not a citizen or later became a citizen will have their data impacted by the bill. Hassan said this is similar to the US immigration policies. This is Carney's first test and he's failed it. He's no different from Donald Trump. 'Major rollback of rights,' 'disservice to refugees': Queen's university law professor Sharry Aiken, professor of law at Queen's University, also finds the bill troubling. Very disappointing. It's a betrayal of many Canadians that supported this government in the most recent election, she said, noting these issues weren't part of the Liberal election campaign. The omnibus bill, she said, is quite complicated with 16 different parts and neither serves to reform the asylum system nor address Canadians' privacy rights. Typically, omnibus bills don't get the degree of parliamentary scrutiny and oversight, she said, which is concerning. Aiken said the one year-bar for asylum claimants represents a major rollback of rights . No longer are these claimants eligible for a hearing before the Refugee Protection Division, she said. The division of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (IRB) hears and decides claims for refugee protection in Canada. Aikens said this arbitrary bill will also very quickly develop a backlog. The bill proposes a legislative fix for a problem that doesn't require new law. It requires operational intervention, she said. This one year rule mimics what's in place in the U.S. and what has been the subject of extensive international criticism… This bill does a disservice to refugees and betrays the Canadian public's trust in the Liberal government for ensuring a fair refugee determination system consistent with international standards. She urges the MPs to separate out the provisions having the issues desegregated. 'Will make the process more cumbersome': immigration lawyer Toronto-based immigration lawyer, Mario Bellissimo, said with the bill creating arbitrary distinctions of 14 days and one year after June 2020, an individualized assessment approach is being taken away. While the number of refugee claimants have recently dipped, Bellissimo said the bill signals that Canada wants to potentially limit immigration. It wants to send messages to individuals who want to traverse the system over many years without legitimate claims that this is not a destination of choice for you, he said. Bellissimo agrees that targeting individuals who impact the immigration system in a negative way is important but the bill will end up targeting individuals in genuine need of assistance. Pratyush Dayal (new window) · CBC News
CBC
11 hours ago
- CBC
B.C. government is going to be ‘biggest barrier' to new pipeline, says former B.C. premier
The federal government introduced legislation on Friday that it says will eliminate federal barriers to internal trade and speed up major national projects. Former B.C. premier Christy Clark tells Power & Politics that the two big challenges to getting a new pipeline through B.C. will be seeking Indigenous consensus and getting the agreement of the provincial government.
