logo
Colonial-era borders create conflict in Africa's oceans — how to resolve them

Colonial-era borders create conflict in Africa's oceans — how to resolve them

The Herald27-05-2025

Africa has 38 coastal and island nations. Their maritime industries — including energy, tourism, maritime transport, shipping and fishing — play a crucial role in developing these nations.
Key to harnessing these resources are Africa's maritime boundaries — lines on a map showing the legal divisions of the ocean between neighbouring coastal states.
Some of these boundaries were created by colonial powers and kept after independence. Their purpose was to achieve territorial security and ensure the exclusive exploitation of resources and to maintain navigational freedom.
But Africa's maritime boundaries sometimes lead to conflict, prevent co-operation on resource management and create room for maritime crimes, like illegal fishing. This is because they are often contested. Countries have overlapping claims and varying interests in resource exploration. This is common in maritime areas rich in oil, gas and fisheries, and deep seabed resources.
In our recent paper we found that using international law to resolve maritime boundaries does not always bring peace, especially when it results in ceding the disputed area to one party. It can result in animosity between countries and breed room for continued distrust among peoples.
Today, Africa has the most unresolved maritime boundary disputes in the world and the lowest number of settled boundary disputes.
As more ocean resources are discovered, climate change may heighten disputes. Rising sea levels can gradually submerge maritime zones, potentially affecting the baselines from which these zones are measured. This could create uncertainty or trigger new conflicts.
In our paper, we suggest a collaborative approach to resolving maritime disputes. We hope that this will help prevent many African countries from missing out on the benefits of their oceans.
Disagreements over maritime boundaries can have many negative effects.
Research has shown that criminal activities tend to increase in disputed maritime boundaries. For instance, illegal fishers are aware that because there is dispute over a border, there will also be enforcement gaps.
Countries in dispute will also not work together and will not be sending patrols to contested areas. For instance, in 2016, a Chinese vessel escaped into Sierra Leone to avoid capture. When Guinean naval forces boarded the vessel for enforcement, there was an exchange of fire and 11 Guineans were detained by Sierra Leone.
When boundaries are disputed, it also means that local fishers are likely to encroach into neighbouring waters, often unknowingly, in search of better catches. Given the significance of fisheries to coastal livelihoods and the extent of depletion, this threatens peace and security. It fuels tension between communities and countries over access to dwindling resources.
Disagreements over maritime boundaries also diminish maritime security co-operation, complicate joint patrols, and divert attention from tackling shared threats such as piracy.
Unfortunately, resolving maritime boundary disputes is complicated by a principle in international law known as uti possidetis juris — 'as you possess under law'.
The principle says that when countries argue over borders, international law, built around colonial-era boundaries, is used to decide who gets what. This creates a 'winner-takes-all' approach — one side gains control over the disputed area and resources. International courts, like the International Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, follow the provisions of law reinforcing uti possidetis .
Our examination of maritime boundary disputes in west and central Africa found that the principle of uti possidetis juris had failed to alleviate maritime boundary tensions. In some cases, it has worsened them.
One example is a maritime dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria decided in 2002. The dispute was over who had control of Bakassi, an oil-rich region, and its maritime frontier.
The uti possidetis juris principle upheld the lines drawn at the time of Nigeria's independence and resulted in the ceding of Bakassi to Cameroon. The impact of the resolution lingers. To date, thousands of displaced Bakassi people that returned to Nigeria have yet to be resettled and reintegrated. Disputes also continue between fishers from Nigeria and Cameroonian law enforcement agents. In extreme cases, it results in death, like the alleged killing of 97 Nigerian fishers by Cameroonian marine police.
In our paper, we recommend that courts, tribunals or disputing countries consider joint management agreements to resolve maritime disputes. Under such agreements, countries share and manage disputed maritime resources.
These agreements will allow for the joint management of shared resources. It will also encourage co-operation and collaboration in other areas, such as joint operations to combat illegal fishing and piracy. While international courts may apply uti possidetis juris as required by law, countries should be encouraged to negotiate special arrangements — such as joint development agreements — as part of the resolution process. Especially in cases where livelihoods and long-standing community ties risk being disrupted by unilateral decisions or the ceding of disputed areas to one party.
While not perfect, this approach has already improved co-operation on security and resource use at sea. It has worked in places like Nigeria, São Tomé and Príncipe, Senegal and Guinea-Bissau. Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire also have a joint management framework in place for their shared boundaries to avoid future disputes.
Prolonged boundary disputes only enable criminal actors to exploit Africa's resources, undermining collective progress. A shift towards collaborative solutions is essential for achieving a sustainable and prosperous future for the continent.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Open letter to Thabo Mbeki on the crisis in the DRC
Open letter to Thabo Mbeki on the crisis in the DRC

Mail & Guardian

time12 hours ago

  • Mail & Guardian

Open letter to Thabo Mbeki on the crisis in the DRC

Former president Thabo Mbeki. Your Excellency Thabo Mbeki, It is never easy to address publicly a figure of your stature, former president of the Republic of South Africa, architect of the New Economic Partnership for African Development (Nepad) and moral heir to the pan-African struggle of Nelson Mandela. Your life's journey stands as a testament to the historical fight for the dignity of African peoples, the sovereignty of African states and a vision of peace grounded in justice. Precisely because of this extraordinary legacy and the moral authority you represent, your recent remarks in Tanzania, which have been perceived as an implicit endorsement of former president Joseph Kabila's narrative on the crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have caused deep concern. These statements urgently call for clarification historically, politically and morally, given the responsibilities that come with preserving regional stability. At a time when some manipulate pan-African ideals to legitimise subversive agendas, it is imperative that respected voices on the continent demonstrate strategic discernment and ethical coherence. In a nation at war, words carry weight. They are never neutral. Spoken by a continental authority figure, each word becomes a weapon in the information battlefield. Speech often precedes action. It guides, legitimises and sometimes triggers conflict. What you recently expressed goes beyond neutral commentary. It carries the tone of pre-hostile rhetoric laced with accusatory language, ethnic insinuation and indirect justification of violence. This was not a neutral political analysis. It laid the foundation for a latent casus belli , activating well-known levers in the playbook of information warfare: • Emotional mobilisation through references to ethnic exclusion; • The implicit identification of a Congolese political actor as an obstacle to peace; and • The suggestion that violence may be legitimate when carried out by a 'frustrated' or 'ignored' people. As an expert on regional dynamics, you know full well that such rhetoric in such a volatile context functions as a precursor to violent escalation. In this instance, your words resonate as a veiled forecast of conflict. Your statements reawaken unhealed wounds. The implicit and explicit references to the Luba people of Kasaï and Katangan communities evoke painful memories of the 1992–94 ethnic violence in Katanga, a tragedy many historians consider an attempted ethnic cleansing that displaced more than 800,000 Kasaïans. That violence was, in part, orchestrated by individuals now close to Joseph Kabila, including General John Numbi, currently a fugitive. Your speech risks legitimising a new spiral of tribal violence in a region already on edge. This is not merely a misreading of history, it is a grave political error, one that gives strategic momentum to armed destabilization agendas. What is most striking is the dissonance between the peaceful tone of your speech and its martial undercurrent. On the surface, you call for peace, dialogue and protection of certain communities. Yet beneath that, you echo albeit indirectly justifications often invoked by the M23 rebel group, backed by Rwanda. This dual posture — peace on the surface, mental preparation for war underneath — is a well known tactic in influence strategy. It rests on a simple principle: those who shout loudest against violence before a conflict often turn out to be its most active architects. This is not the legacy of Mandela. It is rather the rhetoric of geopolitical manipulation, where the suffering of Congolese Tutsi communities is exploited for strategic gain. While the concerns of these communities deserve recognition and justice, they cannot under any circumstances justify military aggression against a sovereign state. Excellency, in speaking as you did, you did not speak as a statesman working for continental peace, but as a discursive vector of a war project. Where we expected the voice of a Mandela disciple, we heard instead the voice of a factional tribune tacitly justifying the political overthrow, or even elimination, of a sitting, democratically elected president. At this point in your journey, your moral and political responsibility demands that you weigh every word with the precision of a continental mediator. Today, words can kill literally. It bears repeating, a single word voiced in the press in Dar es Salaam or Johannesburg today can reverberate with tangible consequences in Goma or Kinshasa. Pan-Africanism is not symbolic solidarity or a shared colonial memory. It is built on cooperation between sovereign states, equality among peoples, justice, peace and mutual respect. The role of a pan-African elder is not to choose sides in an armed conflict, but to serve as a moral and diplomatic compass. But what we heard in Tanzania was not a voice of peace. It was a factional narrative, a coded endorsement of destabilization, potentially aimed at a sitting head of state. Let us be clear: the current crisis in eastern DRC is neither a mere governance failure nor a case of 'ethnic marginalisation' . It is a transnational hybrid war disguised as a rebellion, in which the M23 plays the dual role of armed proxy and political facade for Kigali's ambitions. By publicly endorsing Kabila's concerns without simultaneously condemning M23's atrocities you strengthen this hybrid strategy. You grant political credibility to a movement responsible for thousands of deaths and more than seven million displaced people. Even worse, your statements help invert the narrative: any criticism of the rebellion is now recast as ethnic hatred, while the rebellion itself is framed as a legitimate 'popular aspiration'. This manipulation erodes Congolese sovereignty and seriously jeopardises any hope for sustainable peace. Excellency, Africa is entering a new era of hybrid conflicts fueled by identity-based frustration, economic rivalries and manipulated narratives. In this context, our leaders must be more vigilant than ever. The Great Lakes region does not need rhetoricians of conflict disguised as diplomats. It does not need moral sponsors of violence. It needs peace, truth, justice and reconciliation. It needs bridge-builders not grave-diggers. We solemnly urge you to clarify your statements, to denounce all rhetoric of war, and to reclaim your rightful place among Africa's peacemakers. The world is watching. So is History. Respectfully, Roger B Bope Roger B Bope is a security analyst and strategist.

Man accused of killing his sister opts to represent himself
Man accused of killing his sister opts to represent himself

The Herald

time16 hours ago

  • The Herald

Man accused of killing his sister opts to represent himself

Mluleki Nkosi, the man accused of killing his sister and burying her in a shallow grave at their Mpumalanga home, has told the Kabokweni magistrate's court that he will represent himself. Nkosi, 30, was arrested on Tuesday after he confessed to the killing of his sister Sibongile Precious, 40. 'I understand the charges levelled against me. I will represent myself because I have made my confession in this case,' said Nkosi. Magistrate Musa Mabuza warned Nkosi that he was facing serious charges, but he insisted on representing himself. Nkosi also told the court that he did not want bail.

Uganda's parliament ignores rule of law
Uganda's parliament ignores rule of law

Mail & Guardian

timea day ago

  • Mail & Guardian

Uganda's parliament ignores rule of law

Robert Kyagulanyi, aka 'Bobi Wine', leader of the National Unity Platform. Rule of law in Uganda is precarious — injustices, atrocities and oppression abnormalities are the norm. Parliament has passed the Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces (Amendment) Bill, which targets dissenting voices, activists and political opponents. This comes ahead of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2026. The draconian Bill turned into law comes amid the abductions and torture of activists and other people who oppose the government in the Buganda region. Key opposition figures such as Achileo Kivumbi, Edward Ssebuufu ( also known as Eddy Mutwe) and Noah Mutwe are among the thousands who have been subjected to such treatment. Ssebuufu, a bodyguard for National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi, known as Bobi Wine, went missing on 27 April after being abducted by armed men. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Uganda's military chief and son of President Yoweri Museveni, said he was holding Ssebuufu in his Days later, another of Kyagulanyi's bodyguards, Noah Mutwe, was abducted on 15 May by armed men driving a double-cab without number plates. He appeared in court on charges of incitement to violence, hate speech, malicious information and conspiracy to commit a felony related to social media messages. The NUP's head of security, Achileo Kivumbi, was arrested in August 2024 on charges of being in possession of military attire — a T-shirt and cap. He appeared in a general court martial chaired by a brigadier. Veteran opposition politician Kizza Besigye was detained in Kenya and taken back to Uganda where he was transferred to a military court. No extradition proceedings were followed and Kenya denied knowledge of the abduction. He was charged with treason in a civilian court after his case was transferred from a military tribunal. In 2018, Kyagulanyi was first taken to a military court and then transferred to a civilian court on charges of treason. The general court martial is a specialised court set up by the legislative arm to deal with uniformed and military discipline in the Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces, not civilians. What is so dangerous about this situation is that martial law is used specifically against Museveni's opponents In January this year, in On 21 May, contrary to the court ruling, parliament passed the Bill allowing military trials of civilians. Museveni and his son still insist on trying civilians in military courts, stating that the move stabilises the country. The president is on record stating that 'civilian courts are clogged with the many court cases of the whole country like murder, rape, assaults, robbery, land matters, divorce matters emphasising that they could not handle gun-wielding criminals quickly'. 'Yet for stabilisation you need speed. Moreover these individuals, although not soldiers, voluntarily and with evil intentions acquired killing instruments that should be the monopoly of the armed forces, governed by the relevant laws.' Museveni's statements hold little substance and 'these individuals' are political opponents and civilians who should not appear in the specialised general court martial. It is against the law and unconstitutional. The legality of this military court was tested in Uganda Law Society vs Attorney General and in 2nd Lt. Ogwang Ambrose vs Uganda. But now Museveni has passed the 2025 Uganda Peoples' Defence Forces (Amendment) Bill. It's clear that the National Resistance Movement (NRM) of the Museveni regime is using the military court as a tool against its political opponents to entrench fear among opposition party members and Uganda's voters. The NRM government has been using political corruption and violence to suppress opposition parties and voters for the past 40 years. My fear is the wrath that is being built and will be unleashed against opponents of the NRM regime ahead of the 2026 elections. Robert Kigongo is a sustainable development analyst.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store