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Russia and Ukraine are set for peace talks in Istanbul, following a proposal by Russian President Vladimir Putin. The Russian delegation includes representatives from various fields, while Ukraine's team comprises military intelligence personnel. Russia's key demands include Ukraine abandoning NATO plans and addressing the rights of Russian-speaking citizens. A recent drone attack by Ukraine has raised questions about the prospects of a ceasefire. The United States, attempting to mediate, has expressed frustration with both sides for escalation.
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First Post
11 minutes ago
- First Post
Russia vows to 'blow up everything that needs to be blown up' in Ukraine after 'delusional talks' fail
In a statement on Telegram, the former president said that the purpose of the negotiation talks in Turkey was not to strike a peace deal on 'delusional terms' but to secure 'swift victory' and ensure the 'complete destruction of the neo-Nazi regime' in Kyiv read more Plumes of smoke are seen rising over the Belaya air base in the Irkutsk region in eastern Siberia after a Ukrainian drone attack in the Irkutsk region, more than 4,000 kilometres from Ukraine. AP Russian key security official Dmitry Medvedev has said that Moscow will 'blow up everything that needs to be blown up' after Ukraine intensified its strikes deep in the country. He also suggested that Russia is no longer interested in making compromises to reach a deal with Kyiv. In a statement on Telegram, the former president said that the purpose of the negotiation talks in Turkey was not to strike a peace deal on 'delusional terms' but to secure 'swift victory' and ensure the 'complete destruction of the neo-Nazi regime' in Kyiv. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Medvedev referred to a set of Russian demands presented to Ukraine at talks in Istanbul on Monday. They included handing over more territory, becoming a neutral country, accepting limits on the size of the Ukrainian army and holding new parliamentary and presidential elections. 'Retribution is inevitable' The top official threatened that Russia would respond to Ukraine's drone attack, saying, 'retribution is inevitable'. 'Our Army is pushing forward and will continue to advance. Everything that needs to be blown up will be blown up, and those who must be eliminated will be,' he said. Kyiv used inexpensive drones at the weekend to destroy Russian nuclear-capable bombers worth billions of dollars in an operation carried out after months of planning. 'Spider's Web' dealt a blow to Russia more than three years after its invasion of Ukraine, and the operation will now be studied closely by militaries around the world as a new strategy in asymmetric warfare.
NDTV
32 minutes ago
- NDTV
Britain To Deliver 100,000 Drones To Ukraine By April 2026 Amid Russia War
London: Britain pledged on Wednesday to supply 100,000 drones to Ukraine by the end of the current financial year in April 2026, marking a tenfold increase, after saying the unmanned aerial vehicles had transformed the way wars are fought. The government on Monday endorsed an independently-produced Strategic Defence Review, which calls for a more lethal, tech-driven army to counter emerging threats, including possible Russian aggression. Britain, one of Ukraine's staunchest Western supporters, plans to learn from Kyiv's more than three-year fight against Russian invasion, during which drones have transformed the battlefield. The 350-million-pound ($473 million) drone package is part of a broader 4.5-billion-pound military support initiative for Ukraine, the government said. Defence Secretary John Healey will make the announcement at a 50-nation Ukraine Defence Contact Group meeting in Brussels, co-hosted with Germany. "The UK is stepping up its support for Ukraine by delivering hundreds of thousands more drones this year and completing a major milestone in the delivery of critical artillery ammunition," Healey said in a statement ahead of the meeting. In addition to the drone deliveries, Britain said it has completed the shipment of 140,000 artillery shells to Ukraine since January and will spend a further 247 million pounds this year training Ukrainian troops.
Indian Express
an hour ago
- Indian Express
C Raja Mohan writes: New America, churn in Asia and India's path
Two recent developments to India's east offer insights into the rapidly shifting contours of Asian geopolitics. The first was the annual Shangri-La Dialogue (SLD) in Singapore, where US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth outlined the administration's priorities for Asia. French President Emmanuel Macron's keynote address offered a European perspective on Asian security that diverged from Washington's in key respects. The second was South Korea's presidential election, where the likely victory of left-leaning candidate Lee Jae-myung could reshape not only Korea's political trajectory but also the strategic dynamics of Northeast Asia. More broadly, South Korea's political churn reflects the growing dilemmas across Asia in responding to an assertive China and an increasingly unpredictable US. As expected, US-China relations dominated discussions at the SLD. The absence of China's defence minister underscored the current crisis in bilateral ties. The SLD historically served as a valuable platform for US-China dialogue on regional security. Much of Asia was eager to hear from Hegseth about the Trump administration's strategic intentions. Many countries remain caught in the crossfire of President Donald Trump's trade wars and were watching closely to see if Washington would uphold traditional alliances or, as in Europe, move to dismantle them. Hegseth, however, steered clear of economics, saying his focus was 'tanks, not tariffs'. He had strong words on China's military capabilities and ambitions of annexing Taiwan. Even as Hegseth warned against Chinese hegemony, US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced the breakdown of the trade truce with Beijing he had negotiated last month. Asia and the world, which welcomed the relaxation of US-China commercial tensions, must now brace for more turbulence. For those in the region worried about a US-China condominium or a potential G2 arrangement, there was some relief: A strategic alignment isn't imminent. Nor is Washington likely to cede an Asian sphere of influence to Beijing. However, Hegseth reinforced concerns about the risks of an escalating US-China rivalry, economic and geopolitical. On regional security, Hegseth reaffirmed a strong US commitment to alliances and partnerships in Asia. 'No one should doubt America's commitment to our Indo-Pacific allies and partners… We will continue to wrap our arms around our friends and find new ways to work together.' Yet, he made it clear that US support would not be unconditional: He called on allies to shoulder more responsibility, notably by raising their defence spending to 5 per cent of GDP. This is an impossible ask for most Asian nations. Japan has promised to raise it to 2 per cent but is having trouble mobilising the financial resources for it. India, despite a two-front threat from China and Pakistan, spends only about 2 per cent. Asked about NATO's potential role in Asia, Hegseth urged Europe to remain focused on Russia rather than overstretch its resources in the Indo-Pacific. Macron, however, had a different message. He emphasised Europe's stake in Indo-Pacific security and called for new coalitions between Europe and Asian partners. Macron stressed the importance of 'strategic autonomy' and a balanced approach to global power shifts. Kaja Kallas, the EU's High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, echoed Macron. She argued that the security of Europe and Asia is deeply interconnected. Both were critical of China but avoided overt confrontation, reflecting the nuanced European posture amid the shifting dynamics involving the US, Russia and China. No Asian nation illustrates the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy more vividly than South Korea. The current election, prompted by the fall of conservative President Yoon Suk Yeol, follows a period of political turbulence. The frontrunner, Lee Jae-myung, represents the progressive tradition that seeks a more autonomous foreign policy. Yoon deepened South Korea's alignment with the US and Japan and adopted a tough stance on China and North Korea. Lee, by contrast, promotes 'pragmatic realism' — aimed at repositioning South Korea as a strategic balancer rather than a compliant US ally. While affirming the alliance with Washington, Lee advocates greater autonomy and legislative oversight over South Korea's military involvement in US-led operations, especially concerning Taiwan. This could complicate American contingency planning in the Indo-Pacific. Lee's China policy prioritises economic pragmatism over ideological confrontation. With China absorbing about a quarter of South Korea's exports, Lee seeks to stabilise trade and supply chains, especially in strategic sectors like semiconductors and batteries. Balancing economic ties with China against security expectations from the US will be a delicate act. On North Korea, Lee favours a return to engagement. He supports reopening joint projects like the Kaesong Industrial Complex in exchange for verifiable progress on denuclearisation. A potential diplomatic outreach from Trump — who has promised to re-engage Pyongyang — could provide new opportunities for Lee. On Japan, Lee diverges sharply from Yoon's approach. While supporting trilateral defence initiatives, he insists on historical accountability from Tokyo for its imperial-era abuses. This dual-track approach may resonate domestically but could generate diplomatic friction with Japan and the US, both of which have encouraged Seoul and Tokyo to move past historical disputes. Lee Jae-myung's foreign policy vision represents a significant departure from tradition, aiming to balance strategic autonomy, economic security, and principled diplomacy. His success will depend on managing the deep internal divisions on foreign and security policies, stabilising ties with the US, insulating the economy from US-China tensions, and navigating a complex external environment. Both the SLD and South Korea's political turn underscore the deepening uncertainty in Asian geopolitics, shaped by the tension between alliance building and strategic autonomy, between economic integration and commercial de-risking, and vastly divergent views within Asian polities on dealing with the changing external conditions. For over three decades, India's Asian strategy was premised on great-power harmony, regional stability, economic interdependence and stronger regional institutions. That era may be ending. Delhi must now contend with growing disorder, which demands both stronger national capabilities and enhanced strategic flexibility. (The writer is contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express and holds the Korea Chair at the Council on Strategic and Defence Research, Delhi)
